Restoring Panggau Libau: a reassessment of engkeramba' in Saribas Iban ritual textiles (pua' kumbu').

Restoring Panggau Libau: a reassessment of engkeramba' in Saribas Iban ritual textiles (pua' kumbu'). Thirty-one years ago at Seputin, just across and slightly upriverfrom where we met, Derek Freeman John Derek Freeman (b. August 15, 1916, Wellington, New Zealand; d. July 6, 2001, Canberra, Australia[1]) was a New Zealand anthropologist best known[2] told me that Iban folklore"probably exceeds in sheer volume the literature of theGreeks." At that time, I thought Freeman excessive. Today, Isuspect he may have been conservative in his estimate (Sutlive 1988:73). Panggau Libau is the mythical home of the brave and handsomearchetypal ar��che��type?n.1. An original model or type after which other similar things are patterned; a prototype: "'Frankenstein' . . . 'Dracula' . . . 'Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde' . . . cultural hero Keling and his clever and beautiful wife,Kumang, the patroness of weavers, Iban mythology resounds with theirexploits, Iban chants hymn their praises, and Iban woven textilescapture their reflections. That is, until recently. New research hasconcluded that the anthropomorphic Having the characteristics of a human being. For example, an anthropomorphic robot has a head, arms and legs. forms in Iban textiles, commonlyreferred to in the literature as engkeramba ', which portray, amongothers, these cultural heroes, are no more than space fillers, merecartoons, or insignificant dolls (Gavin 2004). This conclusionrepresents a paradigm shift A dramatic change in methodology or practice. It often refers to a major change in thinking and planning, which ultimately changes the way projects are implemented. For example, accessing applications and data from the Web instead of from local servers is a paradigm shift. See paradigm. that flies in the face of centuries of Ibanweaving tradition, and has curators rewriting their data and collectorsreevaluating their masterpieces. As an Iban who is an eighth-generationdescendant of at least five generations of master Saribas Iban weavers,I would like to offer a reassessment of what these engkeramba'actually mean and address this recent argument which runs counter tosome of the most fundamental adat of our weaving tradition. To trulyunderstand Iban ritual textiles is to understand Iban cosmology. (1) Thetwo are inseparable. Iban ritual textiles are, in essence, canvasses onwhich Iban myths, philosophies, stories, and histories are woven (seeKedit 1994:154). Disfigure disfigurev. to cause permanent change in a person's body, particularly by leaving visible scars which affect a person's appearance. In lawsuits or claims due to injuries caused by another's negligence or intentional actions, such scarring can add considerably to the main characters of these narratives andyou maim maimv. to inflict a serious bodily injury, including mutilation or any harm which limits the victim's ability to function physically. Originally, in English Common Law it meant to cut off or permanently cripple a bodily member like an arm, leg, hand, or foot. the stories they tell, in the process completely missing thepoint and ultimately failing to see the forest for the trees Forest for the Trees was the brainchild of Carl Stephenson, an eclectic producer known for his work with Beck. Difficult to classify, Forest for the Trees is probably best described as experimental psychedelic trip-hop. . Here, Imake my argument based on the pua' kumbu' depicted in thisessay, all of them woven by my great-grandmother, Sendi anak Ketit(1892-1974) (2), who was acknowledged by her peers as a master weaverand principal master dyer in the Saribas during the later years of theBrooke era. What does the Iban term engkeramba' mean? Iban-Englishdictionaries generally translate it as a 'doll.' (3) To theIban, engkeramba', in a general and everyday sense, simply means'scarecrow,' the ubiquitous anthropomorphic figures found infields and farms all over Borneo. Iban weavers also use the termengkeramba' as part of their technical vocabulary to describe anywoven motif that has an anthropomorphic form. However, this does notmean that these forms are mere human-like images or 'dolls.'Engkeramba' is a euphemism eu��phe��mism?n.The act or an example of substituting a mild, indirect, or vague term for one considered harsh, blunt, or offensive: "Euphemisms such as 'slumber room' . . . or verbal disguise for somethingaltogether terrifying that cannot be named directly. Other euphemismslike engkatak (frog), katun (cartoon) and gambar aja' (justpictures) are also used as these terms closely resemble the forms theyweave. The term gambar, when used by weavers in describing ananthropomorphic form on a textile, translates as 'picture of aperson,' suggesting a powerful being. The use of euphemisms,therefore, becomes the device by which weavers refer to the spiritualbeings and personalities who populate the vast Iban pantheon withouthaving to utter their names. As Heppell succinctly suggests, "Ibando not want to reveal what they are doing or what a design representsout of concern that they might be revealing something which should notbe revealed, particularly when it is a stranger asking." (4) TheIban call this use of euphemism jako' karong. (5) In the Saribas, not every weaver may weave the engkeramba'. Itis one of the fundamental conventions of weaving that only a weaver who,among other attributes, possesses pengaroh (6) may weave these imagesthat depict spiritual beings. Anthropomorphic forms are believed to bespiritually imbued and therefore potentially harmful. A weaver protectsherself from these dangerous spirits by using pengaroh. These pengarohare bestowed by the goddesses and mythic heroines and only to women whohave spiritual relationships with them. These women are thenacknowledged by the community as being spiritually mature. In allinstances in the Saribas, these women came from leading families whosemen were leaders of the community. These male leaders (7) were alsobelieved to be successful because of the protection of the gods andgoddesses who also gave them pengaroh. In turn, these men and women madeno secret of the patronage of their deities and usually ascribed theirsuccesses and accomplishments to their divine patrons. Women who did notown pengaroh would not weave the engkeramba' for fear of being alahbulu enda' kering semengat (8) and therefore struck layu or busong(9) by the spiritual beings whom they might have attempted to portray,or by the gods and goddesses for failing to observe convention. Theseweavers would instead depict spiritual beings in abstract forms andnever utter their names. Pengaroh become part of a bilik's (10) property and areinherited by the next generation of bilik occupants as heirlooms.Through the use of these pengaroh, weavers within these bilik thereforehave access to an otherwise restricted repertoire of patterns anddesigns. Once they have access, they are schooled by their mothers andgrandmothers in the esoteric knowledge requisite to weave anengkeramba', among a number of other "forbidden" designs.The first lesson a weaver learns about these figures is that she must becareful when she weaves an anthropomorphic form. She learns that hergods are jealous and prefer not to see any other anthropomorphic formson textiles other than themselves. (11) She also learns that the godsmay be offended if the anthropomorphic forms that are supposed torepresent them on cloth displease dis��please?v. dis��pleased, dis��pleas��ing, dis��pleas��esv.tr.To cause annoyance or vexation to.v.intr.To cause annoyance or displeasure. them. The weaver is thereforeconstantly mindful of this very basic principle of pleasing the gods.(12) By contrast, Traude Gavin states that "the Iban themselves donot attach similar importance to designs of figures. These are largely arecent phenomenon. The only old figurative pattern of high rank is theNising pattern" (2004: 246). Gavin goes on to say that "othersmall figures serve mainly as space-fillers (pengalit; bubul) and areoften included on end borders in Saribas pua where they have adecorative function." These "space-fillers" or"cartoons," she adds, "apparently look faintly comical tothe iban as well" (Gavin 2004: 247). By this argument, the entirerepertoire of sacred, powerful and forbidden engkeramba' woven byIban weavers the length and breadth of Sarawak is dismissed as nothingmore than mere space-fillers with a decorative function, or faintlycomical cartoons, except the Nising design, which is elevated beyond thegods. (13) The premise of this recent argument rests upon refuting an earlierargument made by Alfred Haddon that these anthropomorphic forms"may be made only by the wives and daughters Wives and Daughters is a novel by Elizabeth Gaskell, first published in the Cornhill Magazine as a serial from August 1864 to January 1866. When Mrs Gaskell died suddenly in 1865, it was not quite complete, and the last section was written by Frederick Greenwood. of chiefs" (1982:124). Haddon's statement is fully consistent with my own argumentthat "in the Batang Saribas river system, the depiction of actualdeities and personalities is restricted to only the most experienced andspiritually mature weavers of the aristocracy" (Kedit 1994: 153).The rejoinder The answer made by a defendant in the second stage of Common-Law Pleading that rebuts or denies the assertions made in the plaintiff's replication.The rejoinder allows a defendant to present a more responsive and specific statement challenging the allegations made that "Iban women gain the right to weave high-rankingpatterns from their own status as weavers, rather than from theirhusbands' or fathers' social position" (Gavin 2004: 281)is simplistic sim��plism?n.The tendency to oversimplify an issue or a problem by ignoring complexities or complications.[French simplisme, from simple, simple, from Old French; see simple and does not address the distinctive social system in theSaribas where meticulously kept genealogies called tusut are recited atall life-changing events, healing rites, and festivals sponsored byleading families. (14) In the remainder of this essay, I shall attempt to illustrate andaugment Haddon's argument by reviewing a selection of ritualtextiles woven by a weaver of "the single most important family ofthe Saribas" (Pringle 1970: 199). This family traces its ancestryto the Orang Kaya Pemancha (15) Dana Bayang, (16) the "most dreadedSaribas 'pirate,' the man who commanded the marauding ma��raud?v. ma��raud��ed, ma��raud��ing, ma��raudsv.intr.To rove and raid in search of plunder.v.tr.To raid or pillage for spoils. fleets" (Pringle 1970: 56), who had threatened to put Rajah JamesBrooke's head in a basket (Pringle 1970: 72-74). Brooke laterwrote, "The Orang Kaya Pomancha, of Sarebas, is now with me--thedreaded and the brave, as he is termed by the natives, He is small,plain-looking and old, with his left arm disabled, and his body scarredwith spear wounds. I do not dislike the look of him, and of all thechiefs of that river I believe he is the most honest, and steers hiscourse straight enough." (17) The Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana Bayang was succeeded by his son theOrang Kaya (18) Aji Peti Malaya Duat Pengiran Bunsu (19) who wasdescribed as one of the most cruel and treacherous headhunters of thosedays. (20) The Orang Kaya Aji Peti Malaya Duat Pengiran Bunsu'sdaughter, Mindu, married Panglima Budin Gerasi, great-grandson ofUnggang Lebor Menoa, a rival chief from the Upper Layar. (21) Thisarranged marriage The purpose of an arranged marriage is to form a new family unit by marriage while respecting the chastity of all people involved. As suggested by the term, an arranged marriage is typically arranged by someone other than the persons getting married, curtailing or avoiding the pacified the "smouldering dispute between twoiban families, like the feud between the Montagues and the Capulets, animportant factor in local politics for years" (Pringle 1970:108). Panglima Budin Gerasi (22) pioneered the cultivation of coffee andrubber in the Saribas, and was to become the head of an extendedkindred. As an ostentatious os��ten��ta��tious?adj.Characterized by or given to ostentation; pretentious. See Synonyms at showy.os sign of his family's unrivalledleadership of the Saribas, Budin Gerasi instituted the adat Burik MenaulBeragum Bejugu (23) as his family's bulu manok. "Among thefirst planters [of coffee] were leading Iban families in the middleSaribas who established their gardens early in 1889 and obtained theirfirst output in 1892. In 1895, the Resident reported: 'The Stambok[i.e. Stambak] gardens are being enlarged. Gergasi [the Malay version ofBudin's praise-name], the head of the house there owns quite eighthundred trees and employs labour (Dyak). His paddy farm this year wasmade for him by Malays on wages'" (Cramb 2007:178). "Inthe riverine riv��er��ine?adj.1. Relating to or resembling a river.2. Located on or inhabiting the banks of a river; riparian: "Members of a riverine tribe ... zone at Stambak, below Betong, the headman Budin (thecoffee planter planter,farm or garden implement that places propagating material such as seeds or seedlings into the ground, usually in rows. Broadcasting, i.e., scattering seed in all directions, by hand followed by harrowing (see harrow) to cover the seed with soil was an early of the 1890s mentioned above) planted over 4,000seedlings [of rubber] in 1909, with seed brought back from Singapore byhis son Lumpoh. Another early planter, Penghulu Saang, obtained seedsfrom Stambak to plant at Pelandok in the Paku branch of the Saribas in1912" (Cramb 2007:183). This venture further strengthened thefamily's economic and social position. "The Saribas Iban'experienced unparalleled material prosperity', enablingfurther investment in agriculture, business and trading, as well as theconstruction of 'palatial' ironwood ironwood:see hornbeam. ironwoodAny of numerous trees and shrubs, found worldwide, that have exceptionally tough or hard wood useful for timber, fence posts, and tool handles. longhouses and thecelebration of elaborate gawai festivals on an unprecedented scale"(Cramb 2007:184, quoting Sather 1981: 27-9). Pringle succinctlycommented that "it is no exaggeration to say that any knowledge ofSaribas history in the Brooke era begins with knowledge of thisfamily" (Pringle 1970: 57). The women of this family, in turn, were the custodians of powerfulpengaroh. Mengan Tuai, the wife of the Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana Bayang,and her granddaughter Mindu, (24) who married Budin Gerasi, were bothknown to have been patronized by Indu' Dara Insin Temaga, thedaughter of the war god Singalang Burong. Although Indu' Dara InsinTemaga is not the principal spiritual patroness of weaving, (25)mythology states that her weavings are the most beautiful and herthreads are as fine as silk. (26) Mindu's eldest daughter, Mengan(later known as Indai Isah), was named after her grandmother and broughtup as an anak umbong. (27) Mengan was to become the most well-knownindu' takar in the Saribas, superseding even the fame of her motherand grandmother before her as tuai takar. (28) Mengan married her first cousin, Tuai Rumah Ketit, the son of BudinGerasi's brother. Her daughter, Sendi anak Ketit (known as IndaiGumbek (29) to her peers), was born in 1892 in Stambak Ulu, Layar,Saribas. She lived until the age of eighty-two and left behind a textilelegacy (30) replete with graphic representations of the variouspersonalities, mythical beings and deities who populate the Ibanpantheon. Sendi was posthumously named indu 'pandai pengelandikjari nadai pemali tau 'jait tau 'nyungkit tau 'anyamtau' sulam tau 'nakar tau 'gaar (clever woman withskillful skill��ful?adj.1. Possessing or exercising skill; expert. See Synonyms at proficient.2. Characterized by, exhibiting, or requiring skill. fingers and no ritual restrictions who is a master ofembroidery, sungkit, pilih, warp wrapping, and preparing cotton fordyeing) (31) and was accorded sigi' alas ngerang (32) by the eldersof her community at her funeral wake. Sendi, in the course of her longcareer as a weaver, wove wove?v.Past tense of weave.woveVerba past tense of weavewove, woven weave the entire known gamut of the engkeramba'on her pua' kumbu', as I shall attempt to explain in thefollowing pages. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Tangga' Remang or Pua' Penuai As early as her first pua' kumbu' (also known as thepua' penuai, or 'the oldest pua', (Plate 2) which depictsa series of clouds (pendants enclosing abstract medallions which alludeto allude toverb refer to, suggest, mention, speak of, imply, intimate, hint at, remark on, insinuate, touch upon see see, elude certain members of the Iban pantheon) called Tangga' Remang,Sendi was already creating anthropomorphic forms. (33) The termTangga' Remang is a form of jako' karong, very much like theeuphemistic eu��phe��mism?n.The act or an example of substituting a mild, indirect, or vague term for one considered harsh, blunt, or offensive: "Euphemisms such as 'slumber room' . . . engkeramba', alluding to the actual title, Tangga'Beji, 'Ladder to Heaven,' referring to a legend telling thestory of how an Iban ancestor, Beji, attempted to build a ladder toreach the heavens, but ultimately failed. His ladder broke into pieces,fell back to earth and became rivers. Intrinsic is the lesson that humanbeings may not become gods, though they may aspire to aspire toverb aim for, desire, pursue, hope for, long for, crave, seek out, wish for, dream about, yearn for, hunger for, hanker after, be eager for, set your heart on, set your sights on, be ambitious for godly god��ly?adj. god��li��er, god��li��est1. Having great reverence for God; pious.2. Divine.god values andvirtues; Sendi's first lesson in spirituality. The Tangga' thecloth in search for food to devour de��vour?tr.v. de��voured, de��vour��ing, de��vours1. To eat up greedily. See Synonyms at eat.2. To destroy, consume, or waste: Flames devoured the structure in minutes. . To the Iban mind, all beings requirenourishment, even those on textiles. These headless torsos arepositioned in the center of the passages that act as portals for thegreater spirits encased in their pendants, like offerings on a threshold(Plate 4). [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] This motif has become a recurring symbol found on almost all ofSendi's family's pua' kumbu'. Towards the middle ofthe last century, other Saribas women began to copy this symbol andincorporate it into their Remang also refers to 'The Coming of theGods,' when used by bards during festivals. This engkeramba' (Plate 3, headless torso with hind limbs) isthe motif used by the women of Sendi's family to symbolize a foodoffering that is being fed to the "spirit" (34) of the designbeing created. The torso missing its head is a reference to headhunting,a graphic representation of the offering being "vanquished"and consumed. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] This appeasement appeasementForeign policy of pacifying an aggrieved nation through negotiation in order to prevent war. The prime example is Britain's policy toward Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in the 1930s. is a requisite that restrains the spirit of thedesign from "escaping" designs. This engkeramba' hasbecome a symbol signifying a sacrifice and is universally identified assuch throughout the Saribas. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Another method by which weavers "trap" a spirit is by theuse of a sharp-edged duri', or thorn (Plate 5), at the entrance orexit of a passage. This symbol effectively blocks a spirit from escaping(Plate 6). Any sharp object becomes an effective spiritual barrier orweapon. In weaving these symbols, Sendi was learning a fundamental lessonfrom her mother: designs have spirits which are potentially malevolentand may harm the household if not appropriately "fed" withfood offerings or "fenced in" with sharp objects or strongerdesigns. The headless engkeramba' that Sendi wove thereforerepresents a lesser spirit being offered to the greater spirit of thedesign. The engkeramba' in the context of this pua'kumbu' therefore does not just fill space for no apparent reason,but is integral to the space it fills with the main reason being toprotect the weaver and her household from harm from the greater spiritin the design. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Bali Bugau Kantu', or Gajah Meram Sendi wove the popular (35) design known as Bali Bugau Kantu',the Enemy's Cloth (36) after "graduating" (37) with hertenth pua' kumbu. Although the original meaning of this design isunknown, the Bali Bugau Kantu' has come to be known in the Saribasas retelling the legend of Remi whose brothers were murdered by theKantu'; a story that instructs the Iban on the origin of mortuaryrites (see Sandin 1994: 94-98). In the legend, the corpses of the three brothers each metamorphosedinto a different animal, (38) all depicted by Sendi in the design ofthis pua' kumbu' (Plate 7). The powerful spirits of thesecreatures inhabit this pua' kumbu' and, as such, must beproperly "fenced in" with strong fringe patterns. At thepunggang kemudi (end fringe) Sendi positioned the Gerasi Nabor Menoa or'Giant that Sows the Earth' [with seeds] (Plate 8) while atthe punggung pun (point of origin fringe), she placed the Sepit Api orFire Tong (Plate 9) which coincidentally encases engkatak or smallfrog-like figures on the end border (Gavin 2006: 247). [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] The Gerasi Nabor Menoa is enclosed within a pendant with its headfacing the indu' buah or main pattern of the pua' kumbu',and under its arms are seeds which it guards jealously; a covertreference to a victorious warrior who proudly clutches his trophy headsunder his arms after a battle. This giant, whose unspeakable name (39)is Gajah (40) Meram, or 'Brooding Giant,' guards the upperfringe. The fire tong is a symbol that is associated with Selampandai (alsoSelampetoh, Selampeta), the great blacksmith who forges mankind and inIban cosmology is a brother of the war god Singalang Burong. (41) He isnot depicted in this buah punggang but his presence is tacitlyacknowledged by the image of the fire tong. As creator spirit, Selampandai guards the point of origin fringe(punggangpun) of the design of this powerful pua' kumbu', andfor his services he is offered not headless engkeramba', but ampleofferings complete with head and all limbs intact (Plate II). Weaverscall it the engkatak (frog) which it closely resembles, but does notactually represent. Frogs would not befit be��fit?tr.v. be��fit��ted, be��fit��ting, be��fitsTo be suitable to or appropriate for: formal attire that befits the occasion. the great blacksmith whocreated mankind. The term engkatak is used here as a euphemism, orconcealed name, to refer to a food offering of a lesser spirit beingwhich has no name. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] The fire tong, however, does have a name. Its ensumbar(praise-name) is Sepit Api ke Bejari Ragang Ragang, Pengetis ka SimbongTerabang, Ke Bejalai Melit Tisau Langit Besabong Gelang. Another meaningfor Sepit Api Bejari Ragang Ragang (42) is to describe a scorpion scorpion,any arachnid of the order Scorpionida with a hollow poisonous stinger at the tip of the tail. Scorpions vary from about 1/2 in. to about 6 in. (1–15 cm) long; most are from 1 to 3 in. (2.5–7.6 cm) long. movingastraddle a��strad��dle?adv.1. In a straddling position; astride.2. Across or over both sides.prep.So as to straddle or bridge; astride. with its claws. This praise-name is also very similar to theensumbar of Si Gundi Gundis (family Ctenodactylidae) are a group of small, stocky rodents found in Africa. The family comprises 4 genera and 5 species (Speke's Gundi, Felou Gundi, Desert Gundi, North African Gundi and Mzab Gundi). They are herbivorous. , (43) the father of Keling. Could the fire tongtherefore have an alternate or multiple meanings? Iban weavers speak andweave with puns and riddles in order to hide the true meaning of theobjects they weave. This is another fundamental aspect of Iban weaving,often misunderstood, which I shall discuss at the conclusion of thisarticle. In the Tangga' Remang textile (Plate 2), Sendi has also woventhe Sepit Api at the punggang pun of the indu' buah. But instead of"feeding" the fire tongs with an engkatak, she offered thembirds instead (Plate 10). Within the fire tongs are sharp jagged"teeth" that devour the offering. Consistently in all herpua' kumbu' showing the fire tong, Sendi wove this motif atthe point of origin fringe of the indu' buah. This is also true ofalmost all of the pua' kumbu' found in the Saribas. Could thefire tong then be an explicit homage to the creator spirit by the weaverin seeking assistance in "creating" the spirit of theindu' buah? [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] The engkatak and burong are therefore not filling an otherwiseempty space as decorative items, but are integral to the pattern inappeasing the unseen Selampandai. Being sacrificial subjects, theengkatak and burong make the buah punggang not only visually arresting,but, more importantly, ritually complete and therefore spiritually safefor the weaver and her household. At the risk of further confusing the reader, it should be mentionedthat a pua' kumbu' can go by several names, or have more thanone ensumbar (which I shall explain in the next example). This pua'kumbu' has as its main central pattern the Bali Bugau Kantu',but due to the presence of the Gerasi Nabor Menoa at the end fringe, itis also known as the Gajah Meram. However, in the Saribas, theprerogative to name one's pua' kumbu' with various titlesis a privilege enjoyed by weavers who have attained the level ofindu' muntang indu' nengkebang. (44) Tiang Sandong Betong, or Nibong Berayong After "graduating," Sendi devoted most of her weavingcareer to creating designs of the ranyai, or ritual shrine, which has atits center a ritual pole. The ritual shrine is erected during theprestigious Gawai Burong or 'Festival to the Gods,' oftencalled the 'Bird Festival,' (45) a festival that is hosted andcelebrated by raja berani tau' serang Se`rang´n. 1. The boatswain of a Lascar or East Ondian crew. (46) and made rituallycomplete by the presence of bujang berani (47) who partake of theai' garong (48) to validate and sustain their social status. In theSaribas, sponsoring the Gawai Burong was the ultimate status symbol of aleader from a leading family who was successful in war and therefore hadthe spiritual authority (49) to celebrate this elaborate and expensivefestival. Wives and daughters of such leaders would weave pua'kumbu' that were used specifically for this festival, which had tobe celebrated consecutively in ascending degrees. (50) Each degree isnamed after its corresponding ritual shrine. (51) [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] While the men of leading families pursued the activity ofheadhunting, which was a prerequisite to celebrating the Gawai Burong,their women, in turn, wove the designs of the various degrees of thefestival as the ultimate status-marker of their own achievements asweavers of leading families. A wife or daughter of a leader was expectedto weave at least one ritual shrine design; preferably the degree mostbefitting be��fit��ting?adj.Appropriate; suitable; proper.be��fitting��ly adv.Adj. 1. her husband's or father's status so that it could beused at the celebration of the same degree of the festival. In the hierarchy of designs in the Saribas, the nine ritual shrinesdesigns outrank out��rank?tr.v. out��ranked, out��rank��ing, out��ranksTo rank higher than.outrankVerbto be of higher rank than (someone)Verb 1. all others and enjoy the highest prestige. (52) It isfor this reason that although the practice of headhunting more or lessceased by the early twentieth century, thus making these pua'kumbu' and their ritual use in the Gawai Burong obsolete, weaversof leading families still continued to weave these high ranking See Google bomb. designsas an overt statement of their "inherited" spiritual authority(Kedit 1994: 153). The ritual shrine designs assumed an unparalleledprestige, being now the sole prerogative and property of these women whowere descended from the chiefs of the headhunting era. (53) The main pattern of the Tiang Sandong Betong is made up of actuallytwo indu' buah; the Sandong Betong proper and its spiritualreflection, the Nibong Berayong. The lower half displays the NibongBerayong which grows in Sebayan, (54) the spiritual reflection of thetemporal Sandong Betong shrine which occupies the upper half. Bothdesigns have their own personal ensumbar which therefore means that thispua' kumbu' can be called by either of the two names. Centralto both designs is the trophy head which is at the core of the ritualshrine of the fifth degree, depicted graphically in the design of theSandong Betong, but only alluded to in the design of the NibongBerayong. The trophy head is a recurrent theme in almost all Iban textilesbecause it is central to both the cults of headhunting and fertility. Itis known by a plethora of names, the more common and utterable onesbeing buah (fruit), igi' (seed) and leka (round object). As far asthe weaver is concerned, the trophy head is also called an engkeramba', as the motif comprises a visage with eyes, mouth, and teeth. Aweaver must take every precaution to ensure that her spirit is notoverwhelmed by the spirit of the trophy head that she attempts tocapture onto cloth. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In this pua' kumbu', the trophy head (Plate 13) ispositioned upside down inside a tajau berawai (decorated jar) where ithas been "captured and trapped" by the weaver to watch overthe ritual shrine (Plate 14) that welcomes the gods to the Gawai Burong.The ensumbar for this trophy head is Leka Begumba Balang Bera' angEnggi' Tutong Orang di Gelong Batu Besundang. (55) Tutong, a mythichero of the l ban pantheon (also a blacksmith like Selempandai andbrother-in-law of Keling, being the brother of Keling's wife,Kumang, the patroness of weaving), is thus indirectly invoked by theweaver through this ensumbar to act as mediator between her and the godsof Tansang Kenyalang as she seeks their blessing. (56) [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] A weaver creates the motif of the trophy head as a testament to herspiritual maturity. It is a defining point in her spiritual journey.Like an Iban warrior who would have gone on a raid to bring back trophyheads and so earn fame for himself, an Iban weaver would do the same,but in cloth. There is nothing comical in the grimace of the figure, and allweavers take the challenge to weave the trophy head motif veryseriously. Pua' Tengkebang, or Meligai Tengkebang means 'to create something new' or 'toreinvent an old design.' Sendi wove this pua' kumbu' torepresent the seventh degree of the Gawai Burong, called the Meligaiwhich means 'a shrine of beautiful offerings suspended from thebranches of the Ranyai Sebayan.' (57) In this, her penultimate pua' kumbu', Sendi created a newinterpretation of the terrifying demon, Gerasi Papa, or Ravenous Demon,otherwise known as Nising or Antu Beduru in the Saribas. In thispua' kumbu', Nising, almost ghost-like in a fashion familiarto the western eye (Plate 16), is depicted as "chained andcaptured." Nising is not offered any food offering in the form ofengkatak or engkeramba' simply because it is the offering. Themotif is also kept very small, in deference to the gods who find imagesof other creatures besides themselves repugnant REPUGNANT. That which is contrary to something else; a repugnant condition is one contrary to the contract itself; as, if I grant you a house and lot in fee, upon condition that you shall not aliens, the condition is repugnant and void. Bac. Ab. Conditions, L. . Weavers "graduate" to motifs of demons after weavingmotifs of trophy heads. This is a challenge only very few would attempt,as the spirit of a demon greatly eclipses that of a trophy head. When aweaver, without getting ill or beset by misfortune, successfullycompletes a pua' kumbu' that displays an engkeramba'representing a demon, it is a sign of her triumph over the spirit of thedemon. This is a great status-marker for any woman. In Iban cosmology,Nising is only defeated by Singalang Burong, the patron deity of war.(58) For a weaver to depict Nising, not only is she retelling the epicbattle, but also covertly indicating her spiritual maturity. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Tiang Ranyai, or Ranyai Beduju Sendi's final pua' kumbu', the Ranyai Beduju, is avisual celebration of Iban cosmology. It shows the earthly ritual shrineof the eighth degree, the Tiang Ranyai (upper half, or indu' buahkemudi) as well as the spiritual Ranyai Beduju that flourishes inSebayan (lower half or indu 'buah pun). In the upper half, Sendiportrayed creatures that take an earthly form, while in the lower halfshe depicts the scene in Sebayan as she imagined it. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In the upper half of the main pattern, sons-in-law of the war-godSingalang Burong, disguised in their earthly form as omen birds, heraldthe coming of their unseen father-in-law, while Keling, in his earthlyform of a serpent with shiny scales, rests by the ritual shrine made ofspears with sharp tips that have been used in fighting the enemy (Plate18). On the lower half of the pua' kumbu', however, Sendidepicted a realistic scene from the afterlife and wove the mostsignificant engkeramba' in her entire career as a weaver: KelingAji, Pemayoh Bini Banyak Rambang; Kiai Anyai, Penyambut Sakai PemanggaiLintang; Keling Aji Berani Ati, Tau 'Serang; Gerasi Nading, BujangBerani Kempang, (59) himself, crowned with a labong (60) of featheredplumes and enthroned on a pedestal called the papan penvadih (Plate 19).Sendi portrayed the cultural hero god resplendent re��splen��dent?adj.Splendid or dazzling in appearance; brilliant.[Middle English, from Old French, from Latin resplend in all his glory. Heoccupies a space that is lushly decorated with extra coils (pengalit)and tendrils Tendrils is an irregular collaboration between noted Australian guitarists, Joel Silbersher and Charlie Owen (musician). A difficult sound to describe, Tendrils features two seemingly chaotic but strangely melodic and complementary, guitar parts and occasionally stripped back (bubul) to honor and celebrate his presence. In his armsare trophy heads. Towering over hint is the great Ranyai Beduju withswaying branches and palm fronds fruiting abundant bunches of trophyheads. During Gawai Burong, the heroes of Panggau Libau were alwaysinvoked first by the host. The host then sought their assistance to begthe gods of Tansang Kenyalang to grace his festival. The mythic heroesof Panggau Libau therefore assume an important role in the Iban pantheonas mediators between the Iban and their gods. (61) This is the reasonwhy they are depicted on pua 'kumbu' woven for the GawaiBurong. Weaving the engkeramba' of a god is the only exception to theconvention of "capturing" the spirit of the engkeramba'.Instead of using pengaroh to protect herself, the weaver seeks thepermission of the god being portrayed by preparing a tabak piring (tray)that contains a piring (plate of offerings), blood-stained feathers of asacrificed fowl, and the baku' pinang (box of betel nut and sirihleaves), and offers these with invocations to the god. The weaver doesnot attempt to capture the spirit of the god, but, instead, she attemptsto best portray the god in an anthropomorphic form; the ultimate honorfor a weaver. Once completed, this engkeramba' becomes theexclusive "'property" of the bilik, a copyright that canonly be teladan (copied) or ngangkat (copied with improvements made) byher descendants. Weavers from other leading families may "buy"these designs by paying a ritual fee stipulated by the owners. The ability to weave an engkeramba' representing a god is alsoan indication that the weaver is nadai pemali (without restrictions) andmay weave any design. The state of being without restrictions is covetedby all weavers. However, it is a state that cannot be achieved throughany personal means or accomplishments. It can only be bequeathed by agod or goddess. This gift is communicated in a dream encounter, whichmust be confirmed by an elder who has had a similar dream. (62) Often,this gift is manifested as a new growth or mole on the base of a thumbor fnger. When asked to name this motif of the god Keling, a weaver wouldlower her eyes modestly and ask a fellow weaver, often someone morespiritually mature than her (a grandmother, mother, or older sister), toutter it instead. The name spoken by this fellow weaver would almostalways be the ubiquitous: buah engkeramba' (the engkeramba'design) or gambar aja' (just a picture). [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Overview of Sendi Ketit's usage of motifs of engkeramba' These five pua' kumbu' woven by the same weaverdemonstrate six important characteristics of the engkeramba ': (i) any anthropomorphic form is called an engkeramba' (orsimilarly, engkatak, katun, gambar) as a device by which a weaver doesnot have to reveal its true name or significance; (ii) there are different types of engkeramba' which representdifferent spiritual beings and personalities and therefore servedifferent functions (e.g., sacrificial offerings, protectors, mediatorsto the gods); (iii) the engkeramba' is significant and integral to thedesign it inhabits and often is the focal point focal pointn.See focus. in the design; (iv) a weaver's spiritual development and maturity arereflected in the types of engkeramba' she weaves, as a testament ofher relationship with the spiritual world; and (v) the engkeramba' is a copyright motif and a monopolyreserved by weavers of leading families. Why, then, has the engkeramba'on Iban textiles been somisunderstood? Sometimes we forget that the Iban weaving tradition isessentially an activity shrouded in secrecy, albeit, the basic and morepedestrian aspects of weaving are common knowledge. As a weaver developsin skill and spiritual strength, she attracts attention and sometimesjealousy. The adage that "knowledge is power" holds true inthe context of Iban weaving. Having access to esoteric knowledge meanshaving control over the more esoteric aspects of weaving. Such insiderknowledge and trade secrets, as it were, would only be shared betweenmother and daughter. When pressed by a stranger, an Iban weaver wouldmost likely change the subject or deliberately render the subject matterinsignificant with dismissive nonchalance. Against this backdrop of theweaver's reticence ret��i��cence?n.1. The state or quality of being reticent; reserve.2. The state or quality of being reluctant; unwillingness.3. An instance of being reticent.Noun 1. to divulge precious information, one begins tounderstand why a weaver would deliberately mislead the uninitiated andgullible gul��li��ble?adj.Easily deceived or duped.[From gull2.]gul . We should also be prepared to acknowledge that perhaps many of theinformants who have supported research into Iban textiles are simplyignorant of the very esoteric subject of the engkeramba' and howweavers from leading families correlate it with the spiritual beings andpersonalities that make up the complex Iban pantheon. Theengkeramba' has been monopolized, at least in the Saribas, by asmall pool of master weavers from leading families of the area, and anyknowledge about it has been closely guarded (up until now). Only ahandful of very old weavers in the Saribas know the secret names of theengkeramba', much less their descendants, who are young weavers whoattend classes and workshops to learn the practical methods of weaving.Show an engkeramba' to one of these young women and she will mostlikely have no real idea of what it means, and feign feign?v. feigned, feign��ing, feignsv.tr.1. a. To give a false appearance of: feign sleep.b. laughter tocamouflage her ignorance. It is almost like showing hieroglyphs to anEgyptian on the streets of Cairo and then asking him or her to decipherthe text. To fully comprehend the multi-layered narrative of anyanthropomorphic form on Iban textiles and to conclude authoritatively onit, one must first understand the mindset mind��setor mind-setn.1. A fixed mental attitude or disposition that predetermines a person's responses to and interpretations of situations.2. An inclination or a habit. of the weaver who wove it andher worldview world��view?n. In both senses also called Weltanschauung.1. The overall perspective from which one sees and interprets the world.2. A collection of beliefs about life and the universe held by an individual or a group. . One must also be fluent in the Iban language andconversant CONVERSANT. One who is in the habit of being in a particular place, is said to be conversant there. Barnes, 162. with its deceptive subtleties in order to decipher themetaphors a weaver often uses. Finally, incumbent is the possession of acomprehensive and near encyclopedic en��cy��clo��pe��dic?adj.1. Of, relating to, or characteristic of an encyclopedia.2. Embracing many subjects; comprehensive: "an ignorance almost as encyclopedic as his erudition"knowledge of Iban oral history,adat, and cosmology, as it is from this vast ocean of knowledge that aweaver draws her subjects and is consequently inspired to weave herstatements. She becomes storyteller, historian, magician, and archivist ARCHIVIST. One to whose care the archives have been confided. and the engkeramba' she weaves are her protagonists andantagonists. I shall defer respectfully to my elders and let them have the lastword on the matter of the engkaramba'. Datuk Sri Empiang Jabu, fromthe Saribas, in describing the design of a high-ranking pua'pattern woven by her grandmother, writes, "this pua kumbu comesfrom the Saribas area where there are restrictions on the weaving ofhuman forms, and for this reason the face of Nising is of minimalsize" (Jabu 1992: 82). She explicitly states that "thesedesigns depict human-like figures or engkeramba and they symbolise thespirits and gods" (Jabu 1991: 6). The late niang Datin AmarMargaret Linggi, from the Julau who married into a leading family of theBaleh, was more emphatic, stating that "figures in any pua patternare not human but "other beings' which may harm the weaver iftheir names are spoken. The reader should take notice that any figurealso is surrounded by a circle or some other form, such as a buahbangkit shape, the surrounding shape being intended to protect theweaver from harm by the image" (Linggi 2001: 30). (italics andbold, mine). When two Iban authorities on the pua' kumbu',each from a distinct weaving tradition, agree on a common point thatanything which resembles an anthropomorphic form is potentiallyforbidden and should therefore be approached with care, one should payclose attention. It would seem, therefore, that the Iban are in agreement withHaddon who, despite flaws in some parts of his magnus opus, was spot-onwhen he wrote that the engkeramba' "may be made only by thewives and daughters of chiefs, and even they must begin by making otherpatterns" (Haddon and Start 1936: 124). The heroes and heroines ofPanggau Libau, in mediating for the Iban by allowing their images to bedepicted on cloth, would otherwise be much offended. Acknowledgements The following generously gave their time, advice, and assistanceduring the writing of this paper, for which I am deeply grateful: PamelaA. Cross, Temenggong Matthew Dana, Michael Heppell, Peter Kedit, JohnKreifeldt, Gregory Mawar, Nazrah Anwar, Sandra Niessen, ChristinePadoch, and Clifford Sather. References Baring-Gould, S. and C. A. Bampfylde 1909 A History of Sarawakunder its Two White Rajahs The White Rajahs refer to a dynasty that founded and ruled the Kingdom of Sarawak from 1841 to 1946. A Rajah (or Raja) is a king or princely ruler in the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia. The coaling station of Brooketon in Brunei was named after the Brooke family. , 1839-1908. London: H. Sotheran & Co. Cramb, R. A. 2007 Land and Longhouse longhouseTraditional communal dwelling of the Iroquois Indians until the 19th century. The longhouse was a rectangular box built out of poles, with doors at each end and saplings stretched over the top to form the roof, the whole structure being covered with bark. : Agrarian transformation inthe uplands of Sarawak. Copenhagen: NIAS Nias(nē`äs), volcanic island (1990 pop. 588,543), 1,842 sq mi (4,771 sq km), Indonesia, in the Indian Ocean, off Sumatra. Most of the population are descended from the Niah people; their economy is largely agricultural. Press. Davison, J. and V. H. Sutlive 1986 The Children of Nising: Imagesof headhunting and male sexuality in Iban ritual and oral literature,in: Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr (ed), Female and Male In Borneo: Contributionsand Challenges to Gender Studies, Borneo Research Council MonographSeries Vol. 1, Phillips: Borneo Research Council, Inc., pp. 153-230. Gavin, Traude 2004 Iban Ritual Textiles. Singapore: SingaporeUniversity Press. Haddon, Alfred C. and Laura E. Start 1936 Iban or Sea Dayak Fabricsand their Patterns. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cambridge University Press (known colloquially as CUP) is a publisher given a Royal Charter by Henry VIII in 1534, and one of the two privileged presses (the other being Oxford University Press). . Jabu, Empiang 1991a Pua kumbu, at Seminar Tekstil dan PakaianTradisional, Peringkat Negeri Sarawak, September 1-4, Kuching, Sarawak.Unpublished seminar paper. 1991b Pua Kumbu; The pride of the Iban cultural heritage, In: L.Chin and V. Mashman, eds., The Sarawak Cultural Legacy: A livingtradition. Kuching: Society Atelier Sarawak, pp. 75-89. Kedit, Vernon 1994 The Pua Kumbu: Sacred Blanket of the Iban ofSarawak, In: Dato' Haji Sulaiman Othman, ed., The Crafts ofMalaysia. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet millet,common name for several species of grasses cultivated mainly for cereals in the Eastern Hemisphere and for forage and hay in North America. The principal varieties are the foxtail, pearl, and barnyard millets and the proso millet, called also broomcorn millet , pp. 151-59. Linggi, Margaret 2001 Ties That Bind: Iban Ikat i��kat?n.1. A craft in which one tie-dyes and weaves yarn to create an intricately designed fabric.2. The fabric so created.[Malay, tying, binding.] Weaving. 2nd ed.,Kuching: The Tun TUN, measure. A vessel of wine or oil, containing four hogsheads. Jugah Foundation. Pringle, Robert M. 1970 Rajahs and Rebels: The Ibans of Sarawakunder Brooke Rule, 1841-1941. Ithaca: Cornell University Cornell University,mainly at Ithaca, N.Y.; with land-grant, state, and private support; coeducational; chartered 1865, opened 1868. It was named for Ezra Cornell, who donated $500,000 and a tract of land. With the help of state senator Andrew D. Press. Richards, Anthony J. N. 1981 An Iban-English Dictionary. Oxford:Clarendon Press. Sandin, Benedict 1994 Sources of Iban Traditional History. SpecialMonograph, No. 7, Sarawak Museum The Sarawak Museum is the oldest museum in Borneo. It was established in 1888 and opened in 1891 in a purpose-built building in Kuching, Sarawak. Sponsored by Charles Brooke, the second White Rajah of Sarawak, the establishment of the museum was strongly encouraged by Alfred Russel Journal. Sather, Clifford 1981 Benedict Sandin Benedict Sandin (1918-1982) was an Iban ethnologist, historian, and Curator of the Sarawak Museum in Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia. He also served as Government Ethnologist to the Government of Sarawak. , 1918-1982: A biographicalmemoir. Sarawak Museum Journal, 34: 1-36. 1996 "All Threads Are White": Iban EgalitarianismReconsidered, In: James J. Fox and Clifford Sather, eds., Origins,Ancestry and Alliance: Explorations in Austronesian Ethnography.Canberra: Research School of Asian and Pacific Studies, AustralianNational University, pp. 70-110. Sutlive, Vinson H. Jr. 1988 The Iban in historical perspective, In:Iban in Society: Proceedings and findings of the Seminar Budaya Ibanheld in Kapit from 27-30 June 1988. 1994 Handy Reference Dictionary of Iban and English. Kuala Lumpur Kuala Lumpur(kwä`lə lm`pr), city (1990 est. pop. :Tun Jugah Foundation Publications Series. Vernon Kedit vernonkedit@gmail.com (1) My principal source of information on Iban cosmology is GregoryNyanggau Mawar from Kerangan Pinggai, Paku, Saribas. (2) Iban genealogies are bilateral (or cognatic) and ancestry maybe traced through either parent. Here, master weavers are indicated inbold. The genealogy is as follows: Orang Kaya Pemancha Daya Bayang x Mengan Tuai (f) = [1stgeneration] Orang Kaya Aji Peti Malaya Duat Pengiran Bunsu x Dimah (1) =[2nd generation] Mindu (f) x Panglima Budin Gerasi = [3rd generation]Mengan (1) x Tuai Rumah Ketit = [4th generation] Sendi (13 x Gelau =[5th generation] Inja (f) x Kedit (grandson of Penghulu Sa'angRumpang) = [6th generation] Albert Rumpang x Mary (f) = [7th generation]the author. (3) Richards translates it as a "model, doll, esp. carved woodfigures in human form ...' (1981:84), while Sutlive defines it as"a doll. a carved image, or a model' (1994:69). (4) Michael Heppell, personal communication. (5) Riddle. to use words to cover or conceal meaning. (6) Amulets or charms. (7) Other Iban males had no quahns following these male leaders inwar expeditions as they believed that these leaders were virtuallyguaranteed success through divine intervention. (8) Spiritually weak. (9) Layu means "to wilt" and busong means "to suffera supernatural curse resulting either in a household misfortune or aswelling of the abdomen resulting in death." (10) A family unit that occupies a room (or bilik) in a longhouse. (11) For this reason alone, the demon Nising, arch-enemy of thegods, is always depicted minimally, if at all. (12) It is on this fundamental principle that restrictions on theportrayal of anthropomorphic forms are founded in the Saribas and, tosome degree, in other Iban regions as well. (13) This is in direct contradiction to Iban cosmology where thegods and mythic heroes preside over demons and ordinarily outrank them,whether on cloth or in the cosmos. (14) Clifford Sather, "'All Threads Are White': IbanEgalitarianism Reconsidered" (1996), argues that Iban society ismost usefully seen--not as unequivocally"'egalitarian"--but as structured around an articulationof principles of both "egality" and "hierarchy,"with relations of equality predominating internally--especially withinthe local longhouse community--in adat and relations within the familyand between kindred and affines--while hierarchy is externally derivedand. as a rule. valorized within a larger regional society through majorritual gatherings or gawai. (15) A non-hereditary title bestowed by Sherip Masahor, an agent ofthe Brunei Sultanate. (16) Dana Bayang or Dana "'the Soaring Eagle," thelatter all ensumbar (praise-name) given to Dana. (17) Journal entry. 12th December 1845, in Mundy, Borneo andCelebes, II, 78. (18) A non-hereditary title bestowed by the Rajah before the OrangKaya Aji rebelled against the Brooke Raj Brooke Raj(1841–1946) Dynasty of British rajas that ruled Sarawak (now a state in Malaysia) for a century. Sir James Brooke (1803–68) served with the British East India Company and fought in the first Anglo-Burmese War (1824–26) before using his family . (19) Aji Peti Malaya Duat Pengiran Bunsu or "Aji Strong asSteel. Duat the Young Prince," the ensumbar (praise-name) given toAji by his wile Dimah. (20) "Saji [Anglicised version of Aji's name] gallantlyattacked, and met the fate he so richly deserved ... Saji's nameand acts have been in my ears for years past." wrote the Tuan Muda[Charles Brooke, the nephew of James Brooke For the American journalist, see .The Rajah of Sarawak, Sir James Brooke, KCB, LL.D (29 April 1803 – 11 June 1868) was a British statesman. His father Thomas Brooke was English; his mother Anna Maria was born in Hertfordshire, England, the daughter of Scottish peer . who was to succeed hisuncle as the Second Rajah]. "'Many a bloody deed had beenperpetrated, and be always bad boasted that the White Men's powderand shot Noun 1. powder and shot - ammunition consisting of gunpowder and bullets for musketsammo, ammunition - projectiles to be fired from a gun would take no effect on his body. So fell one of the most crueland treacherous head-hunters of those days" (Baring-Gould &Bampfylde 1909:180). (21) Upper part of the Saribas river system. (22) His lull praise-name or ensumbar was Ba),a Nanga LinggaBenyawa Nukang Peredah Budin Antu Gerasi Begigi Ginyah-Ginyah.Translation: 'Crocodile of the Lingga with Strong Jaws, Budin theGiant with Gnashing Teeth.' (23) The very rare coloration col��or��a��tion?n.1. Arrangement of colors.2. The sum of the beliefs or principles of a person, group, or institution. of a striped eagle with beard andcrest on its head which is used to welcome any member of the BudinGerasi bloodline blood��linen.The direct line of descent; a pedigree. to a festival. Failure on the part of the host toreceive a Budin Gerasi descendant with this coloration would result inpansa arong (tainting of a fellow guest or a member of the host'shousehold), indicating that the guardian spirit of Budin Gerasi'sbloodline is not pleased with the protocol accorded. (24) Family oral history recounts how Mindu anak Orang Kaya Aji, onher deathbed, commanded her eldest daughter Mengan anak Budin Gerasi tomuntas (operate) her middle finger to remove the charms in the form ofstones embedded in her flesh which Indu' Dara Insin Temaga hadgiven her, and to keep them within the bilik as "inheritance'. (25) As noted earlier, this role is played by Kumang, wile ofKeling. (26) Gregory Nyanggau Mawar, personal communication. (27) Secluded child who lives in a meligai (beautiful apartment inthe sadau, loft or upper room), often the eldest daughter of a chief,and attended by slaves taken ill wars and their descendants. An anakumbong's feet are not allowed to touch the ground and she does notleave her meligai until the day of her marriage. (28) An indu takar is a woman who knows the secret measurements ofmordant mordant(môr`dənt)[Fr.,=biting], substance used in dyeing to fix certain dyes (mordant dyes) in cloth. Either the mordant (if it is colloidal) or a colloid produced by the mordant adheres to the fiber, attracting and fixing the colloidal and dyes and conducts the ritual of soaking yarns in a prepatorybath. It is also the highest social status for a woman. A tuai takar isthe lead or principal among the indu takar. (29) Indai Gumbek translates as "Mother of Gumbek."Gumbek was Sendi's daughter Inja's nickname, Iban parents arecalled by the names of their children. (30) These pua 'kumbu' are heirlooms of the family andare currently held in trust by the author's father (as the tuaibilik, or elder of the family room). Information about these textileswas related from Sendi herself to her daughter, Inja, who thentransmitted the information to her children. Sendi had also spoken ofher textiles individually to her grandchildren, explaining in detail toeach one of them their significance and ritual meaning as'inherited' pua 'kumbu'. The author furtherinterviewed other female relatives who were also master weavers andcontemporaries and students of Sendi--Jelia anak Ipa (Indai Nancy,Sendi's in-law and sister to Kedit who married Sendi'sdaughter, Inja) and Lenguti anak Langie (Indai Gulang, Sendi'sniece--daughter of Sendi's sister Isah) who was later adopted byLangie. brother to Sendi's father) to verity the oral informationwhich is now being documented for future generations of the family ofBudin Gerasi. (31) The highest rank for a woman within the Saribas prestigesystem where men and women are accorded ranks at their deaths, based onthe twofold requisites of accomplishment and ancestry. (32) Sigi 'alas ngerang is the unit equivalent that indicatesthat the person was a master weaver who knew the secrets of the takarand gaar rituals. Families descended from Budin Gerasi adhere to adhere toverb 1. follow, keep, maintain, respect, observe, be true, fulfil, obey, heed, keep to, abide by, be loyal, mind, be constant, be faithful2. adatUnggang Lebor Menoa which is a unique prestige system thatdifferentiates them from other families of the Saribas. (33) This is not typical of Iban weavers, as only women who havecharms inherited from their foremothers to protect themselves from harmcaused by a premature engagement with the spirits would attempt to weavean engkeramba' on their first pua' kumbu'. (34) The Iban believe that all patterns are inherently imbued withspiritual power by the innate presence of the spirit of the design. Thespirit is "captured" by the weaver who creates the pattern. (35) This design was woven by almost all of Sendi's femalerelatives and Saribas contemporaries for two reasons: (1) as anindicator of technical skill, since the design is complex, and (2) as acovert form of competition between weavers and sibling rivals, to seewho could successfully interpret and embellish the most beautiful copyor version of the design. (36) The Bugau and Kantu' were traditional enemies of theSaribas Iban, and the terms Bugau and Kantu' have come to be usedto mean "enemy." This pattern is said to have been copied froma pua' kumbu' that was looted by Sendi'sgreat-great-grandfather, Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana Bayang, on one of hisraids to West Kalimantan West Kalimantan (Indonesian: Kalimantan Barat often abbreviated to Kalbar) is a province of Indonesia. It is one of four Indonesian provinces in Kalimantan, the Indonesian part of the island of Borneo. Its capital city Pontianak is located right on the Equator line. (for an account of some of these raids intoWest Kalimantan led by Orang Kaya Pemancha Dana, based on Saribas Ibanoral tradition, see Sandin 1994: 165-76). (37) A weaver is deemed tembu' kayu' (has completed hercycle of widths) on completion of her tenth pua' kumbu' and isthen allowed to use the white colored band on her outermost out��er��most?adj.Most distant from the center or inside; outmost.outermostAdjectivefurthest from the centre or middleAdj. 1. lateralselvedge. This white outermost band is a status marker that indicatesthat the weaver is a master weaver. The esoteric term for a whiteoutermost lateral selvedge is semalau labang, after the feathers of thesemalau bird which are colored white against black. (38) A python, a gibbon gibbon,small ape, genus Hyloblates, found in the forests of SE Asia. The gibbons, including the siamang, are known as the small, or lesser, apes; they are the most highly adapted of the apes to arboreal life. , and a crocodile. (39) Names of patterns, motifs and symbols are a source of muchconfusion to non-Iban weavers simply because Iban weavers will not utteror reveal a name that is powerful for fear of inviting the wrath of thespirit. This restriction is known as mali or 'forbidden.' (40) Gajah translates as "elephant" but in esotericlanguage, it means a creature of great proportions. Another form of theterm is gajai which has the same meaning. (41) Gregory Nyanggau Mawar, personal communication. (42) Translation: 'He who is a pair of long outstretched out��stretch?tr.v. out��stretched, out��stretch��ing, out��stretch��esTo stretch out; extend.outstretchedAdjective armsready for attack, the Sharp Sickle and Defender who tranverses the edgesof the sky whose ends collide like the clasp CLASP - Computer Language for AeronauticS and Programming of a bangle.' (43) Bujang Kelemayang Panas, Tandok Kijang Berindas, GemuringGading Taing-Taing Bepelimping Pala Patong, Chang Chelawang, Gila GundiSepit Api ke Bejari Ragang-Ragang, Bujang Sampak Gading Tandok KijangKuning. Translation: 'The Prince of the Sun, the Crocodile King,the Clashing Horns of the Barking Deer, whose dented kneecaps make thedefending sound of clashing cymbols, the wild Gundi with a pair of longoutstretched arms ready for attack, the Gold Encrusted en��crust? also in��crusttr.v. en��crust��ed, en��crust��ing, en��crusts1. To cover or coat with or as if with a crust: Prince. the Hornof the Royal Barking Deer.' (44) 'She who knows how to fold the warp and who createsoriginal designs,' the penultimate status for a weaver. (45) The grandest festival celebrated in the Saribas. (46) Successful war leaders. (47) Brave warriors who had taken trophy heads. (48) Sacred wine. (49) To the Iban mind, divine sanction and patronage are thedefining factors in status enhancement. (50) The Gawai Burong has nine ascending degrees. Each degreemirrors a stage in padi cultivation which, in turn, is a coven cov��en?n.An assembly of 13 witches.[Perhaps from Middle English covent, assembly, convent; see convent. referenceto the cults of headhunting and fertility, as discussed extensively byJulian Davison and Vinson H. Sutlive. Jr. in "The Children ofNising: Images of Headhunting and Male Sexuality in ban Ritual and OralLiterature" (Davison and Sutlive 1986), My principal informant onthe Gawai Burong is Temenggong Matthew Dana from Pelandok, Paku,Saribas. (51) These are: 1) Gawai Kalingkang, 2) Gawai Sandong. 3) GawaiSawi, 4) Gawai Selangking, 5) Gawai Mulong Merangau or Lemba Bumbun orSandong Betong, 6) Gawai Gajah Meram, 7) Gawai Meligai, 8) Gawai Ranyaior Mudor Ruroh, and 9) Gawai Gerasi Papa. (52) The Bali Belumpong (Divided Cloth), the Bali Kelikut (Blanketof Kumang), the Pua' Jugam (Black Cloth), and the Bali Menyeti(Beautiful Cloth) are a rank below the designs reserved for the GawaiBurong. The Lebor Api (Blazing Fire) has equal status to any degree ofthe ritual shrine design as it is used for the Gawai Enchaboh Arong, apreliminary, degree of the Gawai Burong. (53) Sendi wove four degrees of the ritual shrine textiles,beginning with the fifth degree Tiang Sandong Betong (Fig. 12), followedby the sixth degree Gajah Meram (Fig. 7), then the seventh degreeMeligai (Fig. 15) and finally the penultimate eighth degree RanyaiBeduju (Fig. 22). (54) The Iban afterworld of the dead. (55) Translation: 'The trophy with short hair and protrudingjaw that belongs to Tutong who lives at Gelong.' (56) The war-god Singalang Burong's abode One's home; habitation; place of dwelling; or residence. Ordinarily means "domicile." Living place impermanent in character. The place where a person dwells. Residence of a legal voter. Fixed place of residence for the time being. is known as TansangKenyalang (Hornbill's Nest), a great and magnificent longhouse inthe Iban cosmos. (57) Not to be confused with the eighth degree of the Gawai Burong,which is also called Tiang Ranyai. The Ranyai Sebayan is the tree thatgrows in the afterworld where warriors lop off Verb 1. lop off - remove by or as if by cutting; "cut off the ear"; "lop off the dead branch"chop off, cut offabscise - remove or separate by abscissionroach - cut the mane off (a horse) trophy heads suspendedfrom its branches. In the seventh degree, the locus is on the offeringsrather than on the ritual pole. (58) Gregory Nyanggau Mawar, personal communication. (59) Translation: "Keling the royal, the much-married, many hehas loved and left: Anyai the wise who receives his people and is theirprotector: Keling the royal, bold in war, a raging demon The introduction to this article provides insufficient context for those unfamiliar with the subject matter.Please help [ improve the introduction] to meet Wikipedia's layout standards. You can discuss the issue on the talk page.This article is about the demon. in thefight." (60) Male headdress headdress,head covering or decoration, protective or ceremonial, which has been an important part of costume since ancient times. Its style is governed in general by climate, available materials, religion or superstition, and the dictates of fashion. made of bamboo and wrapped with a woven textilecalled the selampai. (61) Gregory Nyanggau Mawar. personal communication. (62) Dreaming is a salient activity within Iban cosmology, a directmeans by which an Iban communicates with the spirit world, and suchcommunication is perceived by a weaver's peers as validation andendorsement of her undertaking.