Risk and marginality at high altitudes: new interpretations from fieldwork on the Faravel plateau, Hautes-Alpes.

Risk and marginality at high altitudes: new interpretations from fieldwork on the Faravel plateau, Hautes-Alpes. Introduction This paper summarises a sequence of settlement over nine millenniaat high altitude Conventionally, an altitude above 10,000 meters (33,000 feet). See also altitude. in the French Alps The French Alps are those parts of the Alps mountain range which lie in France. They are within the regions of Provence-Alpes-C?te-d'Azur and Rh?ne-Alpes.The specific subranges of the Alps that are at least partly in France include (from south to north): . Such regions are often consideredmarginal and the possibilities of living there must have been determinedby climate and the consequent local environment. It would be logical tosuppose that as climate improved or deteriorated, so settlement waxedand waned. The sequence obtained in the study area considered herecertainly fluctuated in intensity between the Mesolithic period Mesolithic period(mĕz'əlĭth`ĭk)or Middle Stone Age,period in human development between the end of the Paleolithic period and the beginning of the Neolithic period. and thelater Middle Ages, but not in harmony with the climate. The variation inactivity can be better explained by changes in the perception of therelative importance of the risks and hazards present in this milieu.Whilst we can identify a set of physical risks or hazards (extremevariation in weather, landslides, dangerous topography, long distancesfrom centres of occupation and support), the relative importanceattached to these risks differed for each generation. Consecutivepeoples found that they could or could not cope with the altitudedepending on a wide range of other factors. In brief, they wereexercising a kind of risk management. Methodology Despite the fact that research informed by archaeological fieldworkon specific periods or themes has taken place in a number of alpinelandscapes (Bailly-Maitre 1996; Bailly-Maitre & Bruno Dupraz 1994;Barge-Mahieu et al. 1998; Bintz 1999a; Della Casa 1999, 2000; Fedele1992), no one as yet has taken an explicitly diachronic di��a��chron��icadj.Of or concerned with phenomena as they change through time. approach to theinvestigation of a specific high-altitude landscape, where changes inactivity in one clearly defined space over the Holocene can be assessed.The present results are based on five years' fieldwork (whichincluded surface inspection, excavation and paleoecological sampling) onthe plateau of Faravel situated between 2200 and 2400m above the upperDurance Durance(düräNs`), river, c.180 mi (290 km) long, rising in SE France at the foot of Montgenèvre Pass on the Italian border and flowing southwest then northwest before entering the Rhône River at Avignon. in the French Alps (Figure 1). The commune of Freissinieres inwhich it lies comprises a 20km long hanging valley, the entrance towhich lies on the western side of the Durance River Durance Riverancient Druentia.River, southeastern France. The principal river draining the French side of the Alps toward the Mediterranean, its origin is in the Montgenèvre region. . The valley isdelimited by a series of peaks, some of which reach an altitude of 3200m(Figure 2). Much of the commune's land comprises steepmountainsides, plateaux and lakes. The slopes are usually afforested upto about 2000m (the present tree line). Many of the lower south-facingslopes comprise grassland grasslandsee grazing (2), pasture. and are often employed as pasture. Thedecision to focus on the Faravel plateau, and the immediately adjacentareas, allowed us to build up a sequence in one place, discovering newsites each summer, and so produce a precise image of changing phases ofhuman activity. The absence on the plateau of large-scale construction,or destructive agricultural practices, combined with a relatively stableflat land surface protected from erosion, has resulted in an island ofarchaeological survival. The area thus provides an almost pristinerecord of human activity since the departure of the glaciers. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Fieldwork began in 1998. A team of five professional archaeologistsand five students covered a total area of about 30 [km.sup.2] over aperiod of three weeks, the extreme topography confining us to areasadjacent to footpaths and any open spaces within the valley. This surveywas immediately followed by the sampling of three 'promising'sites at 2200m asl (Figures 3 and 4). During the following four years,eight other sites, ranging from a Mesolithic flint scatter, through tomedieval stone-built structures, were sample-excavated on the plateau.Meanwhile, more surface scatters of lithic lith��ic?1?adj.Consisting of or relating to stone or rock.Adj. 1. lithic - of or containing lithium2. lithic - relating to or composed of stone; "lithic sandstone" material were added to theinventory. Analysis of the artefacts and the charcoal found on the sitestogether with palynological evidence from the immediate region hasprovided a sequence of climatic and settlement data from the Mesolithicto the Middle Ages (Figure 4 and see below). The results also draw onthe work of our 'sister' project in neighbouring Champsaur (anarea directly to the southwest of Freissinieres) (Figure 1). Thisproject, directed by Josep-Maria Palet-Martinez from the UniversitatAutonoma de Barcelona, has also included the excavation of a number ofhigh-altitude sites. [FIGURES 3-4 OMITTED] Sequence of settlement and environment Apart from the find of a Palaeolithic back-blade, the sequencebegins with two Mesolithic flint scatters: Faravel XIII (FXIII)comprising c. 400 pieces of Mesolithic worked flint (149 objects, orfragments, plus 291 pieces of debitage The term debitage refers to the totality of waste material produced during lithic reduction and the production of chipped stone tools. This assemblage includes, but is not limited to, different kinds of lithic flakes, shatter, and production errors and rejects. ) (Tzortis 2001), and F XVIII with273 pieces, just 200m to the east. The assemblage includes microflakesand prepared cores, indicating that some of the tool production wouldhave taken place on site. Geometric and non-geometric microliths wereproduced, as well as geometric points fabricated fab��ri��cate?tr.v. fab��ri��cat��ed, fab��ri��cat��ing, fab��ri��cates1. To make; create.2. To construct by combining or assembling diverse, typically standardized parts: by the micro-burintechnique. The assemblage includes scrapers and burins, Montbanibladelets, a concave-truncated trapeze microlith mi��cro��lithn.A minute calculus, usually multiple and resembling coarse sand.microlitha minute concretion or calculus. (Montclus trapeze) andelements of Sauveterrian or Castelnovian points. These are the firstopen-air Mesolithic sites to be found at this altitude in the FrenchAlps. To the north-west, Pierre Bintz and his team have brought to lighta number of sites across a range of altitudes from 300m up to c. 1400m(Bintz 1999b). The one site that is above this altitudinal range is theAulp-du-Seuil cave at 1700m where the lithic and animal bone assemblagesdemonstrate that this site was a seasonal hunting camp (Bintz 1995). Theclosest parallels to the sites at Faravel are to be found in the ItalianAlps, where a large number of Mesolithic sites exist in similarlocations to those found on the Faravel plateau (Fedele 1999). The localpollen diagrams confirm the advance of the fir and pine forest Pine forest may refer to: A forest of pine trees; see temperate coniferous forest The town of Pine Forest, Texas , whilepollen diagrams from the adjacent valley, as well as other southernFrench alpine sites, demonstrate very similar trends (de Beaulieu et al.1994). Thus far, Mesolithic research in the Alps points to huntingactivity at all altitudes within the alpine zone. Clearly, some huntingactivity was specialised and seasonal, and certain species were beingfollowed up to the altitudinal limit of their grazing areas during thesummer. Four Neolithic flint scatters have been located on the plateau(FXIIIa, FXVI, FXVII, FXXII). F XXII yielded 23 pieces of flint,including one medial medial/me��di��al/ (me��de-il)1. situated toward the median plane or midline of the body or a structure.2. pertaining to the middle layer of structures.me��di��aladj. fragment of a retouched blade as well as otherblade fragments. F XVII produced flint and one piece of Neolithicpottery. Some stratified stratified/strat��i��fied/ (strat��i-fid) formed or arranged in layers. strat��i��fiedadj.Arranged in the form of layers or strata. flint was also found on one of the excavatedsites. The period around 3000 BC coincides with a climatic optimum, andsome argue that even in the alpine zone, the first agriculturalists werehaving an impact on the landscape (Miramont et al. 1999, 191). There isno direct evidence that implies agricultural activity around Faravel;based on the characteristics of the tool assemblages, it seems thatseasonal hunting was taking place. The pollen diagrams from the Ecrinsreveal some pastoral (and in some instances, arable) activity. Bearingin mind that these pollen assemblages must contain allochthonous Adj. 1. allochthonous - of rocks, deposits, etc.; found in a place other than where they and their constituents were formedautochthonous - of rocks, deposits, etc.; found where they and their constituents were formed material, it is still not possible to confirm the exact nature ofNeolithic activity in these upland areas (de Beaulieu 1994). Therelative lack of Neolithic sites at lower altitudes across the region isundoubtedly a result of extreme taphonomic processes, but also aconsequence of limited research at these altitudes. Research in otherareas of the Alps, such as the Valais in Switzerland (Baudais et al.1990), indicates that Neolithic peoples were engaged in the developmentof complex strategies for the exploitation of the various vertical zoneswithin alpine valleys. During the Bronze Age Bronze Age,period in the development of technology when metals were first used regularly in the manufacture of tools and weapons. Pure copper and bronze, an alloy of copper and tin, were used indiscriminately at first; this early period is sometimes called the (and the second half of the sub-Borealperiod, 2000-1000 BC) there is an expansion of sedentary activity acrossthe Alps and an opening up of the forest (see Pond et al. 1992, 2001).Evidence from the Juran lakes implies a relatively short period ofclimatic deterioration at around 1700 BC (Magny 1995). Two Bronze Agesites from Faravel were occupied before this event, whilst threemiddle/late Bronze Age sites from the neighbouring Champsaur area wereoccupied during the period of climatic deterioration (Palet et al. 2003;Segard et al. 2003). The Bronze Age structures from both Faravel and theChampsaur possess similar characteristics: they comprise roughlylozenge-shaped 'enclosures' (walls comprising unworked blocksof local rock) that exploit topographical features, such as naturalterraces and small gullies. An example of this form of structure is F XX(Figure 5). Here we have a lozenge-shaped 'enclosure' of c.100[m.sup.2] situated at 2400m. Inserted into the north-eastern cornerof this lozenge lozenge/loz��enge/ (loz��enj) [Fr.]1. troche; a discoid-shaped, solid, medicinal preparation for solution in the mouth, consisting of an active ingredient incorporated in a suitably flavored base.2. , a small, roughly circular, sub-structure has beeninterpreted as the living area (Walsh 2002). The walls on all of thesesites are quite substantial and vary between 80cm and 3m in width. Thewidths tend not to be uniform across any given site as the buildersexploited naturally occurring groups of rocks and boulders. This site isdated to 3670 [plus or minus] 45 BP (Pa 1969). A very similar site, FVIIId produced a radiocarbon date of 3665 [plus or minus] 40 BP (Pa1841); almost exactly the same as that from FXX FXX France, Metropolitan (ISO Country code). [FIGURE 5 OMITTED] The nature of activity associated with this type of structure isdifficult to infer as these sites are aceramic, and bones do not survivein the acidic soils. However, the local palynological evidence includedindicator species such as Rumex and Plantago (Argant & Argant 2000;Digerfeldt et al. 1997), and this, combined with our assessment of thestructures, allows us to propose that the area was being used forseasonal pasture (Segard et al. 2003: 24-6). The size of the enclosuressuggests two possible regimes: either small flocks that wereintermittently guarded within these walls or, small enclosures designedto keep ill or injured animals from a much larger flock. Across the French Alps, Bronze Age activity at lower altitudes isrepresented by a relatively small number of finds of metal objects, andburials for the later Bronze Age (Bocquet 1997). At Freissinieres thereare at least two valley-bottom sites, including one small arms small arms,firearms designed primarily to be carried and fired by one person and, generally, held in the hands, as distinguished from heavy arms, or artillery.Early Small ArmsThe first small arms came into general use at the end of the 14th cent. hoard.While it is quite difficult to give an unambiguous account of the natureof activity at lower altitudes during this period, it is apparent thatthe Bronze Age across the Alpine are witnesses an increase in activityat all altitudes (Primas 1992). The Iron Age (1000-200 BC) is often referred to as a periodcharacterised by climatic deterioration, especially towards the end ofthe Hallstatt period (Provansal 1995). One site at Faravel has producedan Iron Age radiocarbon date (F XIIIb) which is contemporary with theGoschenen 1 climatic deterioration (Magny 1995: 65). The present stateof archaeological knowledge in the Alps implies that Iron Age activitywas concentrated in lower altitudes and/or in specific valleys (Bocquet1997). At lower altitudes, finds of single objects along with funerary fu��ner��ar��y?adj.Of or suitable for a funeral or burial.[Latin fner monuments, are relatively common across the Alps. In our study-area, twotombs are known in the Champsaur, and a silver torque from Pallon in theFreissinieres valley represents this phenomenon (Figure 2). When weconsider the relative visibility of Bronze Age and early prehistoricsites on the Faravel plateau, the obvious dearth of Iron Age sites isinteresting and requires explanation. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] During the early Roman period (200-0 BC) it seems possible that aclimatic amelioration a��me��lio��ra��tion?n.1. The act or an instance of ameliorating.2. The state of being ameliorated; improvement.Noun 1. did occur at a continental scale (McDermott et al.2001), and that this warm period facilitated communications across theAlps. When discussing the Roman period in the Alps, Braudel (1995: 41)observed that 17 of the 23 Alpine passes were used by the Romans. Thearchaeological evidence demonstrates that there was a gradual increasein settlement along valley bottoms during this period (Berard 1997;Collective 1991). Consequently, the increased demographic pressure,along with ideal climatic conditions for the increased exploitation ofupland zones, might lead us to assume that there would be a relativelylarge number of Roman sites in the alpine zones. Thus far, only one site from Faravel has produced a Roman date(XIV) (1985 [plus or minus] 50 BP (Pa 2097)). This structure comprises asmall circular wall defining an internal area of about 3[m.sup.2] (justlarge enough to shelter one person, or perhaps one or two animals). Theradiocarbon date was derived from charcoal taken from a hearth area:This implies that the structure was intended as a shelter for people. Aseries of terraces and enclosed areas adjacent to this site weresurveyed. It is possible that these areas are contemporary with theexcavated structure. Despite the date from this construction, this isnot a Roman site; it is contemporary with the establishment of Romewithin the Alps. Two sites from the Champsaur have been dated to thevery end of the Roman period (Palet et al. 2003) and it seems quitepossible that neither of these sites is contemporary with the Romanpresence in the Alps. Evidence for Roman forest clearance in the Alps is ambiguous:whilst some species such as Abies, do decline there is sometimes aconcomitant increase in Picea (Ponel et al. 1992). FXIV is situated atan altitude of 2400m, 400m above the modern tree line, and almost at thelimit of contemporary vegetation growth. One possible explanation forthe location of a site (plus animal enclosures) at this altitude is thatopen areas for grazing were in fact limited by a tree line that actuallycovered all or a part of the Faravel plateau, the forest having advancedas a consequence of the improved climate. Despite the dearth of high-altitude sites contemporary with theperiod of Roman occupation in the Alps, there is a great deal ofevidence for lowland activity. New urban centres form during thisperiod. Brigantium/Briancon, located some 30km to the north-east ofFreissinieres, was, and still is, the principal urban centre for thesouthern French Alps. Just below the entrance to the Freissinieresvalley the Roman station of Rama was located next to the Durance Riveron the route leading north up the Durance valley to Brigantium. Thelocation of this site was confirmed in the summer of 2003 byair-photographs taken during the extraordinarily dry weather. The early medieval period witnessed a minor climatic deteriorationcentred on AD 700 (Magny 1995: 66). At Fangeas 100m below and directlyto the east of Faravel around 25 individual sites have been identifiedwhich comprise walls, built with unworked stone. One of these FangeasVII a small roughly circular site less than 2m in diameter, has producedradiocarbon date centred on the ninth century AD. A climaticamelioration followed (The Medieval Warm Period Medieval Warm Periodn.The period from about 1000 to 1400 in which global temperatures are thought to have been a few degrees warmer than those of the preceding and following periods. ), probably centred onthe period AD 950-1045 (Esper et al. 2002). During the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, a series of hamlets developed at the lower altitudesof the Freissinieres Valley. Traditionally considered as a valleysettled by the Vaudois, the hamlets that exist today have medievalorigins. The most enigmatic of these hamlets is Dormillouse, situated at1500m some 4km to the north of Faravel and Fangeas (Figure 2). On theedge of this hamlet, the extensive remains of a motte motte?1also mott ?n. TexasA copse or small stand of trees on a prairie.[American Spanish mata, from Spanish, shrub, probably from Late Latin matta, and associateddry-stone walls represent the decision by the medieval seignorial eliteto protect and survey access to the silver mines in this area (seebelow). The Little Ice Age started during the fourteenth century, andcontinued through to the middle part of the nineteenth (Grove 1988). Atthe very start of this final period of climatic deterioration, thegreatest number of sites at Faravel were occupied (FVII, FVIII and FXII,plus c. 20 sites which possess similar characteristics, but have notbeen investigated) (Figure 4). All of these sites (including those thathave not been excavated) are substantial rectangular buildings, most ofwhich are clearly visible and in some cases Upstanding today (Figure 6).In many cases, these structures exist in pairs or groups of three suchas at FVIII. The walls are dry-stone constructions of between 50 and80cm thickness. The external dimensions are between 6m and 8m in lengthand 3m to 4m in width. Most of these structures are built withindrumlins that were partially dug out before the external dry stonewallswere built up against the face of the excavated hollow. [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] As we move into the Little Ice Age, activity on these uplandplateaux continued, or even intensified. The documentary recordsindicate that many of the structures are linked to mining activitiesthat evolved during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Other sitesare undoubtedly shepherds' huts and related enclosures. Two ofthese sites have been excavated: Fangeas VI and Fangeas VII (see above).At Fangeas VI, a small rectangular cabin produced a radiocarbon datecentred on the mid-eighteenth century and pieces of silver-bearing leadslag were found in the occupation layers. It was during the medieval and post-medieval periods that the Alps,including the high-altitude zones, were at their busiest. In Provence,the great transhumance is attested to by written sources. Tens ofthousands of sheep were moved from winter lowland to summer alpinepastures (Coulet 1986, 1988). Research carried out by historian H.Falque-Vert (1997) on le Dauphine dau��phine?n.The wife of a dauphin.[French, feminine of dauphin; see dauphin.] during the thirteenth century gives aclear impression of both the intensity and the nature of economicactivity in this part of the French Alps. Falque-Vert also describesstructures from lower altitudes that are similar to those investigatedarchaeologically at Freissinieres and in the Champsaur. At this time thehigh-altitude zones were exploited for mineral resources as well astheir pastures. A number of silver mines exist in this area (centred onthe appositely named town of Argentieres-la-Bessee) (Ancel 1995, 1999).There are at least three or four mines in the immediate area aroundFaravel and Fangeas. The analysis of the carbonised wood from Fangeas VIis dominated by species associated with disturbed ground rather thangrazing (Py 2002). Discussion This sequence of high-altitude exploitation is summarised in Figure7, which incorporates the results from both Freissinieres and theChampsaur (Palet et al. 2003). Our research has demonstrated thatclimate cannot be cited as an explanatory factor for changes in theintensity of occupation. Relatively high levels of activity existedduring periods of climatic deterioration, whilst periods of inactivity(as attested to by the archaeological record The archaeological record is a term used in archaeology to denote all archaeological evidence, including the physical remains of past human activities which archaeologists seek out and record in an attempt to analyze and reconstruct the past. ) have characterised periodsof amelioration (note especially the Roman period). Such trends shouldnot necessarily lead us to question the importance of'marginality' as a factor in settlement. There is little doubtthat mountain environments are risky. The possibility/probability oflandslides, avalanches, forest fires This is a list of notorious forest fires: North AmericaYear Size Name Area Notes1825 3,000,000 acres (12,000 km2) Miramichi Fire New Brunswick Killed 160 people. (in the Southern/kips), and extremeweather events (which are at worst, life threatening, at besteconomically destructive), have always existed, and many of these risksincrease with altitude. The diachronic study of a specific microregioncan suggest how notions of risk and hazard are structured withinspecific spatial and chronological contexts. A consideration of modernanthropological and cultural theoretical assessments of hazard and riskis also informative (Beck 1992; Douglas 1992; Smith 1996; Oliver-Smith1996). [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] Notions of marginality are contingent on Adj. 1. contingent on - determined by conditions or circumstances that follow; "arms sales contingent on the approval of congress"contingent upon, dependant on, dependant upon, dependent on, dependent upon, depending on, contingent place and time, andsocieties in different places and at different times define and treat itdifferently. Many supposedly risky environments were at some point inthe past successfully managed, and were therefore not marginal. Thecontrolled management of alpine niches (where risk levels are high) isdifficult, whereas their exploitation is relatively straightforward.Braudel argued that mountains were often on the fringe On The Fringe is a popular Pakistani television show on Indus Music. It is hosted and scripted by the eccentric television host and music critic, Fasi Zaka and directed by Zeeshan Pervez. , and were notalways integrated within the broader processes of'civilisation' that took place elsewhere (Braudel 1995: 34).This view was based on the relative isolation of mountain peoples, whichsupposedly led to both technological and cultural differences withlowland peoples. Horden and Purcell (2000: 81) consider that mountains'Can seem hostile and marginal areas; yet they are closelyintegrated into patterns of production and communication that abut To reach; to touch. To touch at the end; be contiguous; join at a border or boundary; terminate on; end at; border on; reach or touch with an end. The term abutting implies a closer proximity than the term adjacent. them'. Despite the fact that there has been a trend in post-processualarchaeology to dismiss 'marginality' as a modern construct,promoted by an environmental archaeology that supposedly suffers from abad case of the determinist chills, we have to consider seriously howpeoples' perceptions and attitudes towards potentially dangerousmilieux, where economic productivity is not assured, have evolved overtime. The contradiction here is that whilst some post-structuralistshave endeavoured to put individuals back into the landscape (e.g. Tilley1994), they have adopted discourses that fail to engage with issues ofenvironmentally structured difficulties, i.e. the risks and hazardswhich would have been contingent upon Adj. 1. contingent upon - determined by conditions or circumstances that follow; "arms sales contingent on the approval of congress"contingent on, dependant on, dependant upon, dependent on, dependent upon, depending on, contingent activity within any givenlandscape. The actual experience of these environmentally structureddifficulties would have been mediated through cultural understanding.Horden and Purcell (2000) in their assessment of Mediterraneanmarginality, articulate a mode of human/landscape dynamics that forgetshow ordinary people dealt with contingent environmental processes, thatare at best, controls on economic output, at worst life threatening.Their approach prioritises the role of high status perceptions of thelandscape, denying the fact that life of many people within certainMediterranean landscapes would have come to terms with risk and hazard. With these ideas in mind, we can revisit our high Alpine sequence(Figure 7). Tim Ingold's analyses of hunter--gatherer'srelationships with taskscapes are obviously pertinent for the Mesolithic(Ingold 1993). The temporary camp at F XIII was situated on the treeline, in an area where animals could be observed moving between theupper edge of the forest and open ground. Game concentrated in suchareas would have been more visible than within the actual forest itself.Consequently, hunting in such an environment makes perfect sense, andmay have been more successful than at lower altitudes. The upland milieuwas chosen because a successful hunt was almost guaranteed. Forhunter--gatherers, the pursuit of game across a landscape was thus notnecessarily influenced nor constrained by relief or potentially extremeweather conditions; their notions of risk and hazard are almost beyondour grasp. [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] Another important aspect of hunter-gatherer relationships withtheir environments is the sheer scale of the areas over which they mayhave moved (see also Angelucci et al. 1999). Petrologic pe��trol��o��gy?n.The branch of geology that deals with the origin, composition, structure, and alteration of rocks.pet analyses of theflints from Faravel reveal a large range of potential sources for theraw materials exploited (Bressy 2002). The closest is some 50km away; agreat distance within a mountainous landscape. Although some exchange offlint between different bands may have taken place, there is no reasonto assume that these groups were not involved in their ownresource-gathering strategies. They therefore ranged over large areas,even in an environment where journeys were complicated by the extremetopography. For many people today (and perhaps going back to the Romanperiod) movement through mountainous regions usually takes place alongvalleys and over passes. Hunter--gatherers, and other groups who settleand work in the higher altitudes, may well have moved between valleysvia mountain ridges. Another reason for avoiding movement down andthrough valleys is that the forest would have been both higher anddenser, perhaps making movement through valleys more risky than overmountain ridges. There would have also been the added risk fromdangerous animals that would not have been visible in the enclosedforest. The evidence for Neolithic activity at Faravel indicates thathunting was then still taking place at the higher altitudes. Pastoralactivity with its associated changes in the perception and understandingof this landscape did not really take hold until the end of this periodand into the Bronze Age. The defining characteristic of late prehistoric and protohistoricactivity in alpine zones is undoubtedly the emergence and development ofcomplex economies. During this period, a dual economy of pastoralagriculture and mining developed across the Alps. These activities wouldhave exploited the forest resource, as well as pastures and mineraldeposits. It is reasonable to assume that both of these activities wouldhave taken place during the summer months, probably from June through toSeptember. The Bronze Age sees an increased level of high-altitudeactivity in the Alps. Part of the secondary products revolution(Sherratt 1997) included the exploitation of a wide range of ecologicalniches, and where possible, the application of a complex exploitationstrategy, where two or more productive tasks take place within oneniche. As with the medieval period (discussed below), it appears that arelatively large number of people may have been present in thesehigh-altitude zones, and that risk levels were reduced by the presenceof other people, who through their very numbers reduced isolation andtherefore the level of perceived risk. The sites from Faravel and the Champsaur reveal a high level ofinvestment in the construction of structures that represent activitiesthat were probably repeated each year. Moreover, such structures wouldprobably not have been built unless the occupants had used them for agood portion of the summer. We can almost envisage that shepherds movedfrom one site to another as the summer grazing season unfolded. It isinteresting to note that Faravel VIII (at 2200m) and Faravel XX (at2400m) produced almost identical radiocarbon dates. This could representthe presence of several shepherds exploiting adjacent pastures, or themovement of one flock up over pastures of increasing altitude during thesummer. The emergence of sedentary societies in the valley bottoms andthe related seasonal exploitation of Alpine sectors undoubtedly led tothe development of early structured, vertical landscapes. To thesouth-east of our study area, in the Vallee des Merveilles (AlpesMaritimes), pastoral activity is attested by the presence of indicatorspecies in pollen diagrams (Kharbouch & Gauthier 2000). Frachettiand Chippindale (2002) rightly emphasise the importance of rock art incontributing to the structuration The theory of structuration, proposed by Anthony Giddens (1984) in The Constitution of Society, (mentioned also in Central Problems of Social Theory, 1979) is an attempt to reconcile theoretical dichotomies of social systems such as agency/structure, of time and its perception withinalpine societies. However, they do not explicitly investigate how timeand vertical space relate to one another. Cyclical time, and theimportance of seasonal activities, and the relationship between whereand when these activities take place, is fundamental to our appreciationof human interaction with alpine milieux. Risks and hazards must alsohave had culturally structured, seasonal characteristics: activities inupland zones during the summer are inherently less dangerous than duringthe spring, autumn and winter. The relative dearth of Iron Age sites across our study zone impliesa reduction of activity at high altitudes. Perhaps settlement becameconcentrated at the nodes of exchange and commerce lower down. Despitethe lack of archaeological excavation in valley bottoms, there is plentyof evidence for protohistoric activity in the Alps. The distribution ofburial and associated metal work demonstrates that complex tradingpatterns did exist (Bocquet 1997). We have to assume that many of thetowns that grew during the Roman period have proto-historic antecedents,although this hypothesis is not without its problems (Arnaud 2002).People may well have been attracted to the developing complex urbancentres, and a part of this could have been a new emphasis onvalley-based communication and a reduction of activity at higheraltitudes. All of this could have resulted in a change in risk andhazard appreciation. In spite of the favourable climate, at Faravel and in theChampsaur, the only sites that exist which could potentially be referredto as Roman are all dated to the very beginning and the very end ofRoman presence in the Alps. A low level of Roman activity inhigh-altitude zones is also attested in the Pyrenees (Galop gal��op? also gal��o��pade or gal��lo��paden.1. A lively dance in duple time, popular in the 19th century.2. The music for this dance. 1998).Central to an appreciation of landscape perception in the Roman periodis the idea of the transfer of urban values (where possible) onto ruralcontexts. Changes in notions of ownership and control of territoriesduring the Roman period would have radically altered the manner in whichthe landscape was defined and perceived (see Leveau 1993; Belotti 2000). As ever, variations in perception would have been largelycontingent on status within society. While ordinary people prioritisebasic social and material necessities, natural disasters can beconsidered as crises revelatrices, exposing structures of power andideology (Sahlins 1972). Moreover, after any kind of disaster, whetherdirectly caused by people or 'natural', people always look fora scapegoat and attempt to apportion ap��por��tion?tr.v. ap��por��tioned, ap��por��tion��ing, ap��por��tionsTo divide and assign according to a plan; allot: "The tendency persists to apportion blame as suits the circumstances"blame (Douglas 1992). The controlof the population, and rigid rules regarding landownership andboundaries may have included the talking up of environmentaldifficulties and the discouragement of settlement at higher altitudes.Thus Cato considered that the Alps were an 'impregnable barrierwhich protects Italy like a rampart, and the Alps were a barrier'where mortals were prohibited' according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. Silicus Italicus(quoted in Jourdain-Annequin 1999:101-102). Despite this view, theRomans did not avoid mountain ranges per se, but rather those verticalhabitats that were the most environmentally 'risky orhazardous'. As Tarpin (1991:31) observes, Titus Livius and SiliusItalicus Silius Italicus(sĭ`lēs` ĭtă`lĭks), A.D. 25–A.D. 101, Latin poet. saw nothing in the mountains other than wild animals WILD ANIMALS. Animals in a state of nature; animals ferae naturae. Vide Animals; Ferae naturae. and strongpeople who were barely civilised distributed in many small tribes, andthe corollary of this view was the idea that the Alps were an impassablebarrier, a rampart and a natural limit for Italy (Tarpin 1991: 42).Eventually the Alps became less of a barrier, but something which stillhad to be traversed. Van Berchem (1982) contests that once the Alpinebarrier had been conquered, traversing the Alps as quickly as possiblewas key for the Romans, and therefore priority was given to theconstruction and maintenance of route ways over certain ridges such asthe Petit Col Saint Bernard Saint Bernard, two Alpine passesSaint Bernard,two Alpine passes, both used since antiquity. TheGreat Saint Bernard (alt. 8,110 ft/2,472 m), on the Italian-Swiss border, links Valais canton, Switzerland, with Valle d'Aosta, Italy. . Therefore, we might consider that Roman 'absence' fromhigh-altitude environments was not determined by a perceived lack ofeconomically useful niches, but rather socially and culturallyconstructed attitudes towards this particular type of environment thatconvinced people to avoid exposure to unnecessary hazard. Also, weshould not forget that whilst south-east Gaul became part of the Empirein 121 BC, the south-western Alps were not conquered until 14 BC--theintegration of this zone being either not a priority, or difficult toachieve: so re-defining its quintessential marginality. The start of the high-medieval period saw the expansion of largenumbers of people into the Alps from urban centres such as Lyon; theirmigrations initiated by religious dissent, and some would argue,persecution (Audisio 1998). During the medieval and post-medievalperiods, it seems likely that mutual support, through the presence ofrelatively large numbers of people in upland zones, would have redefinedthe possibility and thus the perception and experience of personal risk.The 'busy' alpine zone would have introduced the capacity foreconomic support, e.g. watching over one another's flocks, orassisting during mining activities and providing help duringemergencies. The characterisation of this 'busy', late andpost-medieval landscape, and the evolution of a new way of living andworking in the high-altitude zone, should also consider how risk-takingdevelops within different groups. The negotiation of risk oftencontributes to the construction of group identity, and may evencontribute to the development of cultural insularity. Moreover, weshould not forget the importance of religious construction of attitudestowards hardship and risk; an important element of dissent is therejection of the perceived extravagance and corruption of theestablished church es��tab��lished churchn.A church that a government officially recognizes as a national institution and to which it accords support.Established ChurchNoun (Audisio 1998). This dissent included the rejectionof urban lifestyle and the consequent desire for a harsher, secluded wayof life. Conclusion Fieldwork in the southern French Alps demonstrates that simpleenvironmental models cannot explain the waxing and waning of humanactivity at high altitudes. Neither can we assume that the Neolithicmarks the start of a continual seasonal presence of pastoralists inthese areas. Even periods of climatic amelioration and demographicpressure did not result in increased activity. In order to fullyappreciate the archaeological and environmental evidence, we need toconsider how such milieux were understood and perceived at differentperiods in the past. Acknowledgements This fieldwork could not have taken place without the support andhelp of colleagues and the Centre Camille Julian, Aix-en-Provence.Financial support comes from the Service Regional pourl'Archeologie (PACA), Le Parc National des Ecrins and theCommunaute des Communes de l'Argenieres-la-Bessee. I should alsolike to thank the following specialists for their reports on finds andanthracological evidence: S. Tzortzis (Ville de Martigues) and C. Bressy(Universite Joseph Fourrier, Grenoble), J.-P. Bracco and A. D'Anna(Economies, Societes, Environnements Prehistoriques, UMR UMR Unite Mixte de Recherche (French: Mixed Unit of Research )UMR University of Missouri - RollaUMR Upper Mississippi RiverUMR Uniform Methods and Rules (US Department of Agriculture)UMR Unit Manning Report 6636,Aix-en-Provence); ceramic material by L. Vallauri (Laboratoired'Archeologie Mediterraneenne Mediavale, UMR 6572,Aix-en-Provence); charcoal analysis by A. Durand (Laboratoired'Archeologie Mediterraneenne Medievale, UMR 6572, Aix-en-Provence)and B. Talon (Faculte de St Jerome, Universite de Provence), Vanessa Py(l'Universite d'Aix-Marseille I); palynological work, J.-L. deBeaulieu and Mona Court-Picon (Institut Mediterraneen d'Ecologie etde Paleoecologie). Philippe Leveau should also be thanked for hiscontinual support over the years. And I should also like to thank TerryO'Connor Terrance P. O'Connor (March 24, 1940—) is a former politician in Ontario, Canada. He served in the Canadian House of Commons from 1972 to 1974, and in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 1985 to 1987. O'Connor was a member of the Progressive Conservative Party. for his comments on an early draft of this paper. Finally,this work could not have taken place without the continued help andencouragement of Florence Mocci and Vincent Dumas both on and off themountainside. References ANCEL, B. 1995. La mine du Fournel (L'Argentiere-la-Bessee,Hautes-Alpes, France): l'exploitation rationnelle aux Xeme-XIVemesiecles d'un ilion de plomb argentifere, in L. Brigo and M. Tizzoni(ed.). Mount Caliso and the silver deposits in the Alps from ancienttimes till the XVIII century, atti del Convegno europeo promosso eorganizzato dai comuni di Civezzano e Fornace e dalla Sat Societaalpinisti trentini, Civezzano-Fornace: 161-93. --1999. La mine d'argent du Fournel. In G. 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