Mesolithic dwelling places in south Scandinavia: their definition and social interpretation.

Mesolithic dwelling places in south Scandinavia: their definition and social interpretation. Introduction There has long been controversy in Danish research over therecognition of Mesolithic dwellings. Some researchers state that thereare no convincing dwellings known from the Danish Mesolithic, whileothers will accept a series of features as characteristic ofdwelling-remains. A central point of disagreement has been whether thelarge concentrations of worked flints that are in most cases found tocoincide with the presumed dwelling-floors can actually have beendeposited inside dwellings (Bokelmann 1989; Gron 1995; Stapert 1994;Sorensen 1996). The present paper argues that they were, but acceptsthat the inhabitants :This article is about the video game. For Inhabitants of housing, see Residency Inhabitants is an independently developed commercial puzzle game created by S+F Software. DetailsThe game is based loosely on the concepts from SameGame. did not walk around on, sit on or sleep on heaps ofrazor-blade sharp pieces of flint. One must take the complex andsocially regulated depositional processes of material inside thedwellings into account to reach a more nuanced and credible picture ofwhat happened. As such problems are widespread in early prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to , thisdiscussion should be of general interest. Spatial behaviour within the dwelling-spaces of hunter-gatherersshould generally be organised in accordance with sets ofculture-specific rules reflecting the social 'positions' ofthe individuals as well as the cosmic cos��mic? also cos��mi��caladj.1. Of or relating to the universe, especially as distinct from Earth.2. Infinitely or inconceivably extended; vast: aspects of the dwelling-space. Itis strange that such a general cultural/ behavioural Adj. 1. behavioural - of or relating to behavior; "behavioral sciences"behavioral trait--with a fewexceptions--has been given so little attention in archaeology archaeology(ärkēŏl`əjē)[Gr.,=study of beginnings], a branch of anthropology that seeks to document and explain continuity and change and similarities and differences among human cultures. , in spiteof the massive documentation that has existed for a considerable time(e.g. Leem 1767; Rank 1951). In cases where such spatial patterns can bereconstructed re��con��struct?tr.v. re��con��struct��ed, re��con��struct��ing, re��con��structs1. To construct again; rebuild.2. on the basis of archaeological finds, they afford directinsight into the social organisation Noun 1. social organisation - the people in a society considered as a system organized by a characteristic pattern of relationships; "the social organization of England and America is very different"; "sociologists have studied the changing structure of the family" of the groups that inhabited thedwellings (Gron 1995; Gron & Kuznetsov--in print). Spatialorganisation within a dwelling reports a different aspect of life tospecialised ritual contexts such as burials bur may be equallyritualised. The type of behavioural rules we discuss here regulate notonly the placing of the individuals in the dwelling-space, but also howthey deal with artefacts and waste. An analytic focus on the spatial and temporal aspects of thedepositional processes in the supposed dwelling-pits, in combinationwith the development of excavation excavationIn archaeology, the exposure, recording, and recovery of buried material remains. The techniques employed vary by the type of site, but all forms of archaeological excavation require great skill and careful preparation. and recording methods suited for thistype of approach, have been successfully applied to the southScandinavian Mesolithic material in recent years (Gron 1995). Bydemonstrating repeated patterning in the spatial organisation of thematerial in the suggested dwelling-pits, we have been able to identifysingle- or multi-family dwellings, as well as lighter summer dwellingsor large winter houses with central posts (Gron 1990, 1995). The changesof the dwelling-types through time have in combination with indicationsof the general settlement layout (e.g. number of dwellings on thesettlements, distance between them), facilitated the distinction of whatseems to be long-term changes in the social organisation of southScandinavian Mesolithic society, some appearing to anticipate Neolithicpractice (Gron 1998 a). This case study leads on to a more general discussion ondwelling-organisation as a means of elucidating cultural and socialdevelopments in hunter-gatherer societies. Evidence for dwelling-places Isolated floors A number of Mesolithic 'bark floors' (which often includetwigs and branches) have been found in the peat-bogs during the last 100years. At Ulkestrup I, Zealand, Denmark, belonging to the MaglemoseCulture, the best-preserved part of the floor consisted of bundles ofbranches 25 cm long and 5-6 cm thick. Between these were found smallerbranches, twigs, remains of leaves, and leaves of Marsh Fern Noun 1. marsh fern - fern having pinnatifid fronds and growing in wet places; cosmopolitan in north temperate regionsDryopteris thelypteris, Thelypteris palustris (Thelypteris palustris Noun 1. Thelypteris palustris - fern having pinnatifid fronds and growing in wet places; cosmopolitan in north temperate regionsDryopteris thelypteris, marsh fern ) (Andersen et al. 1982:12) (Figures 1, 2). AtDuvensee, northern Germany Northern Germany is the geographic area in the north of Germany. The native German concept of northern Germany is called Norddeutschland. Northern German StatesNorddeutschland is the geographic area of five German states: Bremen Hamburg , five Maglemosian bark bark, sailing vesselbarkor barque(both: bärk), sailing vessel with three masts, of which the mainmast and the foremast are square-rigged while the mizzenmast is fore-and-aft-rigged. floors were found, oneon top of the other, the lowest one resting on a kind of platform madeup of twigs and thick, straight branches, probably a kind of foundationin the damp peat area (Schwantes 1925:174-175). Several other floors areknown from the area (Bokelmann 1971, 1981a, 1981b, 1986, 1989, 1991,1995; Bokelmann, Averdieck &: Willkomm 1985). At the submergedErtebolle site Mollegabet II, the remains of a layer of bark, twigs, andbracken brackenor brake,common name for a tall fern (Pteridium aquilinum) with large triangular fronds, widespread throughout the world, often as a weed. leaves (Pteridium aquilinum) (Sarah Mason, pers.comm.) werefound in a 5.2 x 3.2 m large and up to 20 cm deep dwelling-pit with thelower parts of some wall stakes preserved at its edge. The northern sideof the dwelling was taken up by a 10-15 cm high earth-built platformwith its front supported by a structure of parallel hazel branches andtwo stakes placed in the dwelling's long axis long axisn.A line parallel to an object lengthwise, as in the body the imaginary line that runs vertically through the head down to the space between the feet. . Two hearth zonesappear to have been located adjacent to the platform and the two innerstakes. The entrance seems to have been in the western end on the borderbetween the platform and the 'floor' in the southern part ofthe dwelling where the main part of the lithic lith��ic?1?adj.Consisting of or relating to stone or rock.Adj. 1. lithic - of or containing lithium2. lithic - relating to or composed of stone; "lithic sandstone" waste was concentrated(Gron & Skaarup 1995; Gron--in print) (Figure 3). [FIGURES 1-3 OMITTED] Some of the 'floors' were observed only as thin andsometimes very fragmented layers of bark (Becker 1945; Bokelmann 1986,1989, 1991, 1995; Bokelmann, Averdieck & Willkomm 1985; Johansson1990:15-17; Schwantes 1939:89; Welinder 1971:50). In one case cloven clo��ven?v.A past participle of cleave1.adj.Split; divided.clovenVerba past participle of cleave1Adjectivesplit or divided boards were used as a frame for such a floor, while in another they seemto have formed an integral part of it (Andersen et al. 1982:11;Bokelmann 1971:11, 1981a:181). The presence of boards may well depend onthe preservation conditions. Larger bark pieces might represent lesswell-preserved boards. It seems likely that layers of parallel branchesof some diameter and in some cases possibly cloven-out boards were usedas a basis for dwelling floors in damp locations. The observations ofremains of Bracken, Marsh Fern, twigs, branches and bark from structureswith good preservation such as Ulkestrup I and Mollegabet II indicatethat these materials were used for the flooring itself and/or'beds' more often than many sites reveal. The Mesolithic hearths found on floors often consist of diffuse diffuse/dif��fuse/1. (di-fus��) not definitely limited or localized.2. (di-fuz��) to pass through or to spread widely through a tissue or substance.dif��fuseadj. amounts of sand and charcoal charcoal,substance obtained by partial burning or carbonization (destructive distillation) of organic material. It is largely pure carbon. The entry of air during the carbonization process is controlled so that the organic material does not turn to ash, as in a so broad that they appear to be anintegrated part of the flooring (Andersen et al. 1982; Bokelmann 1971,1986, 1989; Schwantes 1925:175). Since sand on many of the peat sites isa foreign element, this reflects that sand was deliberately transportedto the settlements. Bokelmann's detailed observations of a'roasting-place' from the Maglemose site Duvensee W.6 show howsand in substantial quantities was used in the process of hazelnutroasting (Bokelmann 1981a:182-183). The use of floors constructed of bark and branches is notrestricted to the Mesolithic. At Muldbjerg, Troels-Smith excavated sucha floor from the Early Neolithic (Troels-Smith 1960). One should also beaware of the large number of such floors from 'Neolithic'hunter-gatherers excavated at Sarnate in Latvia by L.V. Vankina (Vankina1970). Structural features of dwellings A dwelling, even a heavy structure such as a log cabin log cabinor log house,style of home typical of the American pioneer on the Western frontier of the United States in the great westward expansion after 1765. It was constructed with few tools, usually an axe or an adz and an auger. , may leave afew post- or stake-holes not necessarily located along its outline, orno subterranean traces at all (e.g. Rogers 1967:18-20; Rank 1951:43-44;Vasilievich & Smolyak 1964:638-639). Therefore the absence of tracesof a superstructure superstructure/su��per��struc��ture/ (soo��per-struk?chur) the overlying or visible portion of a structure. su��per��struc��turen.A structure above the surface. does not prove that there was none. In a number ofcases, stakes or stakeholes from wallstakes have been observed on theperiphery periphery/pe��riph��ery/ (pe-rif��er-e) an outward surface or structure; the portion of a system outside the central region.periph��eral pe��riph��er��yn.1. of dwellings from the cultures in focus here: the twoUlkestrup huts (6 x 4 and 4 x 4 m), the Mollegabet II dwelling (5 x 3 m)(Figure 3), the recently excavated two Early Mesolithic dwellings fromMorby (both 2 x 3 m), and the three Late Mesolithic ones from Leksandand Hogby (two 6 x 4 m and one 3.5 x 3 m) (Andersen et al. 1982:10-20;Carlsson et al. 1999; Gron 1995:14, 18, 26-28; 1999; Gron & Skaarup1995; Larsson 1994). At Agerod I:HC, a 6 m long U-shaped row of stakeswas observed. According to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. the section published by Larsson and theplans published by Larsson and Althin (Althin 1954:133; Larsson 1975:13,1978:145), this structure was open to the NW. Since the distance to theedge of the excavated area in this direction is only about 4 m, one musttake into account the possibility that the NW side of the structure islocated outside the excavated area. Accordingly, interpretations of thisstructure as a 'lean-to' should be treated with some caution.At Lollikhuse, Sorensen found a 5.5 x 4 m large and approximately 30 cmdeep, rectangular rec��tan��gu��lar?adj.1. Having the shape of a rectangle.2. Having one or more right angles.3. Designating a geometric coordinate system with mutually perpendicular axes. dwelling-pit from the Ertebolle Culture with stake-andpost-holes along its northern, southern and eastern sides. In the pit areddish brown lenticular lenticular/len��tic��u��lar/ (len-tik��u-ler)1. pertaining to or shaped like a lens.2. pertaining to the lens of the eye.3. pertaining to the lenticular nucleus. layer up to 15 cm thick was observed (Sorensen1996). At Niva 10, Lass Jensen found a 2.3 x 3.2 m large and 35 cm deepdwelling-pit from the Early Ertebolle Culture. Around the pit, whichaccording to the sections published seems to contain a platform, werefound four holes for poles. At Atoften, he furthermore excavated whatseems to be a 3 x 2 in large Kongemose dwelling surrounded by poles(Lass Jensen 2001, 2002). In an increasing number of cases (that may reflect increasingawareness of the phenomenon), internal stakes or posts are found tocombine with wall stakes: for example, in the Late Mesolithic dwellingfrom Mollegabet II (Figure 3), in the two dwellings from Siljan, and inat least one Tagerup. From the Early Mesolithic this feature is knownonly from dwelling 1 at Morby (Carlsson et al. 1999; Cronberg 2001; Gron1990, 1995; Gron & Skaarup 1995; Karsten & Knarrstrom 1999;Larsson 1994). In other cases, traces are found of what may be centralsupports not combined with observations of traces of wall stakes: inDenmark at Svanemosen 28 from Southern Jutland and at Fladet onLangeland (Figures 4, 5) and in Sweden at Saxtorp no. 11, Skateholm I,and Tagerup 2 (Cronberg 2001; Gron 1990:82-3, 1995:73-76; Larsson1975:9, 1985:198). The 7.0 x 16.0 m large structure Tagerup 2interpreted as a long-house with a row of internal posts fits into thepicture of large Mesolithic houses suggested by Gron (Cronberg 2001;Gron 1990; 1998a; Karsten & Knarrstrom 1999). One should not excludethe possibility that some of these large structures may have beenregular log cabins, as has been suggested for Fladet (Gron 1987). On thebasis of the observations of inner stakes and a platform at MollegabetII, an apparent platform at the Ertebolle dwelling-pit from Niva 10(Gron & Skaarup 1995; Gron in press; Lass Jensen 2002), and theflooring preserved in half of Hylteberga dwelling-pit 9 (Larsson 1975),it cannot be ruled out that the appearance of inner stakes/posts in thelong axis of several Atlantic dwellings (Leksand, Saxtorp no. 11, andSkateholm I) may have supported or marked the front of a platform on oneside of the dwelling. [FIGURES 4-5 OMITTED] As old holes from stakes and smaller poles can be difficult toobserve and furthermore difficult to distinguish from root-holes, and asthe possibilities for observing structures were often less than optimaldue to the excavation technique employed in earlier days, it is mostlikely that numerous stake- and post-holes have often been overlooked. Wall ditches are rarely found around structures interpreted asMesolithic dwellings. At Bredasten, Scania, Mats Larsson Mats Larsson (born March 20, 1980) is a Swedish cross country skier who raced since 1999. He earned a bronze medal in the 4 x 10 km relay at the 2006 Winter Olympics in Turin and also finished 20th in the 15 km event at those same Olympics. excavated whatseems to be a wall ditch belonging to a 5 x 6 m large, oval torectangular dwelling from the Ertebolle Culture. The ditch was 50-100 cmbroad and 10-40 cm deep (Larsson 1986). Less significant features thatmay represent ditch fragments were observed to coincide with the outlineof dwelling 2 at Morby (Carlsson et al. 1999). The traces of a veryshallow wall ditch from a Mesolithic tent structure tent structureBuilding that uses masts or poles and tensile membrane (e.g., fabric or animal skin) enclosures. Tent structures are prestressed by externally applied forces so that they are held taut under anticipated load conditions. were observed atFriesheim in Southern Germany (Schonweiss & Werner 1977). Tent rings of stones are not traditionally accepted as part of theMaglemosian repertoire. That may be one reason why so few have beenregistered through time. Meanwhile, they have begun to appear. AtDeepcar in England a England A refers to England's developmental national teams in several sports. Players on these teams often "graduate" to slots on the appropriate senior national team. The phrase may refer to: England A - rugby league England A cricket team D-shaped stone ring was excavated, beingapproximately 4.5 m broad and 3.5 m deep, and containing earlyMaglemosian material (Radley & Mellars 1964). A similar structure, only 3.5 m broad and 2.5 m deep, D-shaped totrapezoid, was excavated at Hjemsted, Southern Jutland, by Per Ethelbergand the author (Figure 6). Since no dating artefacts or charcoal werepresent, a sample of sand from the culture layer was TL-dated to 7800 BC[+ or -] 700 and OSL-dated to 6650 BC [+ or -] 500 (R-862701),indicating a date around 7100 BC. Due to the microblades found in thestructure, this Maglemosian dating was no surprise. Another sample thatwas OSL-dated to 3508 BP [+ or -] 300 (R-862702) is regarded as polluted pol��lute?tr.v. pol��lut��ed, pol��lut��ing, pol��lutes1. To make unfit for or harmful to living things, especially by the addition of waste matter. See Synonyms at contaminate.2. by a Medieval plough-zone found immediately above the culture layer.This dating is obviously far too late (Gron 1988, 1995:69). [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] A structure interpreted as a Maglemosian tent-ring, Oerne I,approximately 3 m in diameter, has been excavated by Keld Moller Hansenon Northern Zealand. The material dates it to the middle of theMaglemose Culture (Moller Hansen 1992:123 and personal communication). Apossible D-shaped tent ring from the late Maglemose Culture, 5 m indiameter, was excavated by Jens Bech at Granholmen on Funen (Bech 1966).These two structures are not as clear in shape as one could wish. AtWierzchowo 6 in Poland, Zbigniew Bagniewski excavated what looks like arounded, rectangular tent ring measuring approximately 6 x 5 m andcontaining a concentration of typologically pure and relatively lateMaglemosian material (Bagniewski 1990). Pits and hollows Pits or depressions, both shallow and deep, seem to be one of themost persistent indicators of dwellings in the South ScandinavianMesolithic. On dry-land sites, they often appear as sandygreyish/brownish or sometimes black homogeneous lenticular thickeningsof the culture layers, 4-10 m in diameter and 10-50 cm thick, whichaccording to the reports often 'contain the majority of thefinds'. Such lenses have been observed at Klosterlund 1 W,Stallerupholm, Rude Mark, probably at Bare Mosse Mosse may refer to:In medicine: Bartholomew Mosse, Irish surgeon and founder of the Rotunda Hospital Markus Mosse, German physician In literature: Hans Lachmann-Mosse, German publisher I, and at numerousother sites (Blankholm, Blankholm & Andersen 1968:63; Boas Bo��as? , Franz 1858-1942.German-born American anthropologist who emphasized the systematic analysis of culture and language structures. 1987:14;Gron 1995:64; Welinder 1971:185). Marta Stromberg has excavated severalsuch small lenticular culture layers from the Maglemose Culture and theNeolithic in Scania (Stromberg 1976:16, 1978, 1986, 1988) and C.J.Becker has excavated several on Bornholm at Melsted and Norre Sandegaard(Becker 1952:99,104). A closer study of the two layers at Lundby II also gives theimpression that they may represent one lenticular structure formedduring one phase only and containing the remains of one or two hearthsand of a presumed bark floor. That the two layers to the west wereseparated by a thin sterile layer of peat and gyttja (Henriksen1980:56-58) could reflect that parts of the upper layer of such alenticular structure were at one time lifted up like a floating island,as apparently was the case at Ulkestrup I and II and Mullerup 1900(Anderson et al. 1982:13-16; Gron 1995:15-25, 27-28, 77-78).Unfortunately the site has not been subjected to a detailed geologicalanalysis. At Vaengeso, Andersen excavated a concentration of lithicmaterial on a flat plateau measuring approximately 6 x 4 m, apparentlydug into the side of a little hill. The culture layer appeared as a 30cm thick lenticular feature with a length of 5 m. It contained asignificant concentration of lithic artefacts (Andersen 1975:11-18). Thetent ring at Hjemsted coincided with such a lens, which contained nearlyall of the finds (Gron 1995:69). At Deepcar, a sandy, grey horizoncontained most of the occupation remains. This 'grey soil' wasdeep inside the ring of stones and lensed out over the upright flags(Radley & Mellars 1964:3,5). The central parts of Mesolithic peat sites such as Barmosen I, BareMosse I and II, the Duvensee sites, Mollegabet II, Ulkestrup I and IIgenerally appear as lenticular thickenings of the culture layerscontaining large amounts of sand (e.g. Bokelmann 1971, 1981a; Gron &Skaarup 1995; Johansson 1990:12; Schwantes 1939:89-90; Welinder 1971:66,181-186). Due to the better preservation, the descriptions in such caseshave tended to focus on the different organic elements The so-called organic elements are molecule fragments often encountered in organic chemistry. For ease of notation, they are marked similarly to elements.Me CH3 methylEt CH2CH3 ethylAc acetyl (not acetate!) CH2CO, e.g. acetate AcO-Tf F3CSO2 trifyl contained in thelenses and to pay less attention to the fact that compact lenses ofcultural material tend to conjoin with features that probably representdwellings. At Mollegabet II, the dwelling-outline indicated by the 'outerstakes' followed the edge of a 20 cm thick and 5.2 x 3.2 m largelens of greyish sand, which contained remains of flooring, two hearths,and most of the cultural remains (Figure 3) (Gron 1999; Gron--in print).The Ertebolle dwelling at Lollikhuse appeared as a 5.5 x 4.0 m large and30cm deep pit containing reddish-brown sandy cultural soil with asignificant concentration of finds (Sorensen 1996). The Ertebolledwelling at Niva 10 (Figure 7) appeared as a 3.2 x 2.3 m large and 35 cmdeep pit containing grey sandy cultural soil with a concentration offinds related to the habitation HABITATION, civil law. It was the right of a person to live in the house of another without prejudice to the property. 2. It differed from a usufruct in this, that the usufructuary might have applied the house to any purpose, as, a store or manufactory; whereas (Lass Jensen 1998, 2001). At AgerodI:HC, the southeastern border of the lens of grey occupation layer,which contained the majority of the finds, seemed to conjoin with thestake-structure (Larsson 1975). [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] At Saxtorp no. 11, the more than 50 cm deep and 5 x 4 m large pitcontained black and dark brown deposits which held the majority of thecultural objects found. The pit contained four internal post-holes(Larsson 1975). The 10.7 x 6.5 m large structure at Skateholminterpreted as a large house appeared as a 20-30 cm thick, black,homogeneous lens. It also contained post-holes with a central positionin the pit (Larsson 1985). At Tagerup the three Ertebolle houses (1,2,and 'W') appeared as lenticular coloured features with themaximum depths of 17, 20, and 31 centimetres. They all conjoined conjoined/con��joined/ (kon-joind��) joined together; united. conjoinedjoined together.conjoined monsterstwo deformed fetuses fused together. withsignificant flint concentrations (Cronberg 2001). At Svanemosen 28 withfour features interpreted as inner post-holes on a line close to itslong axis, the majority of the material was found in a 6 x 4 m large and30 cm deep pit containing a grey homogeneous sand filling (Gron1995:73-76). According to the published section, the culture layer inside thewall ditch of the Bredasten dwelling must be described as more or lesslenticular, with its greatest thickness in its centre. Other parts ofthe culture layer with a certain thickness seem to be related to otherfeatures such as feature 2, a hearth, and feature 20, an apparentextension of the rounded, rectangular wall ditch (Larsson 1986). Theseother features are not necessarily contemporaneous con��tem��po��ra��ne��ous?adj.Originating, existing, or happening during the same period of time: the contemporaneous reigns of two monarchs.See Synonyms at contemporary. with the dwelling. The rectangular feature with a wall ditch that Schonweiss andWerner excavated at Friesheim in Southern Germany coincided with aslightly coloured lens, 5 x 5 m in area and approximately 40 cm deep.The lens contained a concentration of flint artefacts, bone fragmentsand hazelnut shells. An entrance zone seemed visible (Schonweiss &Werner 1977). The circular dwelling excavated by Woodman at Mount Sandel Mount Sandel is an iron age fort in Coleraine, Northern Ireland. In 1973-77, excavations to the east of Mount Sandel found evidence of an early mesolithic site. Radiocarbon dating of this site was between 7010 to 6490 BCE. appeared as a shallow pit surrounded by stakes (Woodman 1985:133-135).The 40 cm deep pit of the dwelling excavated in Northern Germany byDiekmann contained sand coloured by cultural activities. It contained aclear concentration of artefacts (Diekmann 1941). From Norway and Northern Sweden it is a quite normal feature thatthe dwellings of Mesolithic and 'Neolithic' hunter-gatherersare located in shallow or deeper pits containing concentrations of finds(e.g. Boaz 1999; Bjerck 1991; Fuglestvedt 1995; Helskog 1983; Loeffler1998; Loeffler & Westfal 1985; Lundberg 1985; Schanche 1995:180). The sections from the many intact Neolithic bark floors fromSarnate in Latvia demonstrate clearly that the bark floors, the verticalstakes, the hearths, the concentrations of sand and other culturalremains conjoin in very significant lenses up to 1 m thick (Vankina1970:22,38, plan between 44 and 45, 66, 69, 77, 80, 82, 83). It does notseem unreasonable to assume that the dwelling types used on these peatsites were similar to those earlier used by the Mesolithic populationsin Northern Europe. In general it appears to be a quite common feature that dwellingsare located in pits of varying depth. With many peat-sites, the'depressions' in which the lenticular features are oftenlocated are more likely due to compression than to excavation of pitsinto a moist substratum sub��stra��tum?n. pl. sub��stra��ta or sub��stra��tums1. a. An underlying layer.b. A layer of earth beneath the surface soil; subsoil.2. A foundation or groundwork.3. . How the deposits form Apart from accepting them as the filling of pits and depressions,it is informative to study how the lenticular thickenings of the culturelayers were formed. To imagine that people in the Mesolithic scooped outshallow pits in the subsoil subsoilLayer (stratum) of earth immediately below the surface soil, consisting predominantly of minerals and leached materials such as iron and aluminum compounds. Humus remains and clay accumulate in subsoil, but the teeming macroscopic and microscopic organisms that make , to walk and sit directly on the ground,seems strange and is not in accordance with the archaeological evidence,as we shall see, whereas the ethnographical eth��nog��ra��phy?n.The branch of anthropology that deals with the scientific description of specific human cultures.eth��nog descriptions of the use oftwigs and boughs as flooring in dwellings are numerous (e.g. Gubser1965:71; Gusinde 1937:382; Leem 1767:90,104; Rogers 1967:32; Speck1940:29). In one of the lenses excavated by Stromberg (Hagestad 6:2A,3), themicrolith mi��cro��lithn.A minute calculus, usually multiple and resembling coarse sand.microlitha minute concretion or calculus. concentration was located in the top of the lenticular layer,and the hearth could (according to the section published) be observedfrom the bottom to its top (Stromberg 1986:60-62). At Svanemosen 28, themajority of the finds seem to derive from the upper 15 cm of the 30 cmdeep pit (Gron 1995:75). A second Ertebolle structure of approximatelythe same size as the house from Skateholm, and half a metre deep, islocated at Lollikhuse, Northern Zealand. The lower 10-15 cm of thefilling in the pit has a considerably lower find density than is foundabove this zone (Sorensen, personal communication). In the Niva 10Ertebolle dwelling-pit below the horizon assumed to represent the'living-floor' of the dwelling, the bottom was covered by alight grey layer of sand and clay that contained very few finds (LassJensen 1998, 2001). At Ulkestrup I, where the floor of bark and brancheswas preserved, the main part of the flint could be seen to lie on top ofit (Andersen et al. 1982:12). On Mollegabet II, where the sand lens contained parts of a floor ofbark and branches, 65 per cent of the flint weight derives from theupper 10 cm of the 20 cm deep pit. Where the large concentrations ofwaste flint were, in the southern part of the structure, the amount offlint weight deriving from the upper 10 cm locally increased to 74 percent. Woodman in his discussion of the number of occupations representedin a Mesolithic hut at Mount Sandel mentions that 'on the northernedge the microliths usually occur in the middle of the occupationsoil' (Woodman 1985:141-142). On the basis of these verticaldistributions of finds, it seems probable that there was a flooring ofbark, branches and twigs, also in the dry-land dwellings, that stoppedthe main part of the lithic waste from penetrating to the groundsurface. The main part of the lithic waste found in the lenticularfeatures can have been deposited shortly before the sites wereabandoned, when the lower part of the floor was filled up by sandcarried in for the hearths and sand carried in, in clothes andfoot-wear. Clearing out--at least of the larger pieces of waste--afterflint-knapping inside a dwelling that was still going to be inhabited isno more than one would expect. For the Atlantic dwellings the existence of a platform seems toplay a role in the horizontal distribution of the material. In theMollegabet II dwelling the lithic waste was located at a 10-15 cm higherlevel ill its northern side where the platform was (Figure 3). That themain part of the lithic waste was located in the dwelling outside theplatform indicates that flint knapping was generally not carried out onthe platform. The two sections from the Ertebolle dwelling excavated atNiva 10 indicate the existence of a regular platform in the SE part ofthe dwelling-pit. The larger pieces are mainly found outside thisstructure (Lass Jensen 2001). The southern half of the area interpretedas a Kongemose dwelling at Aggemose was scooped out to form a featurethat could be observed as a 10 cm deep pit below the plough-soil,indicating that the northern half of the suggested dwelling-area mayhave been an earthen platform. The main part of the lithic waste waslocated in the pit (Gron & Sorensen 1996; Gron 1998b). In contrast, at dwelling I from Hogby and the two dwellings fromMorby, the dwelling-area appears as a zone with no significantconcentration of lithic material compared to its immediate surroundings.At Oerne I and the two habitations at Leksand, the main concentration offlint was found outside the dwelling-areas (Carlsson et al. 1999;Larsson 1994; Moller Hansen 1992; personal communication). At HolmegaardIV, where Becker excavated several bark floors, one of them was coveredby an up to 5 cm thick, compact layer of hazelnut shells, but verylittle lithic waste (Becker 1945). Finds like Hjemsted and some of thesmall Swedish Maglemose sites from Tobisborg and Hagested (Gron11995:69-70 Stromberg 1976; 1986) consist of shallow pits containingrelative concentrations consisting of very little lithic material(Becker 1945). Sites containing only a few lithic objects are probably heavilyunderrepresented un��der��rep��re��sent��ed?adj.Insufficiently or inadequately represented: the underrepresented minority groups, ignored by the government.in the excavated material, whereas those with largeamounts of material are equally over-represented due to their highervisibility. Traditionally it has been regarded as 'profitable'to excavate where large concentrations of material were found. It mustbe kept in mind that the conditions of preservation will often make itdifficult to distinguish between overlapping settlement phases. Thisrepresents a restriction in our possibilities for direct observation ofcombinations of features which with certainty can be said to be relatedto one single habitation phase. Therefore it is important to distinguishcombinations of features which repeatedly appear together. Interpretation: character of Mesolithic dwellings This review has attempted to bring together the different featuresrecorded from Mesolithic deposits and argue that they comprise adwelling place. Figures 9 and 10 represent basically the same data, a number offeatures that are found to occur together a number of times in 38Mesolithic sites. The sites have been chosen on the basis of theirpreservation and the quality of the recording of the features. [FIGURES 9-10 OMITTED] Concentrations of lithic material show an obvious tendency toassociate with floors of bark and branches (in eight cases out of apossible maximum of ten), with wall stakes and tent rings (13 out of 13possible), with hearths (26 out of 27 possible), with systematicpatterning of the artefact See artifact. distributions and other features (see below)(15 out of 15 possible), with dwelling pits or lenticular thickenings ofthe culture layer (31 out of 32 possible) and with the presence ofcentral posts or stakes (nine out of nine possible). The expectation is not that all of the features distinguishedshould always have occurred together when the dwellings were in use.Even though variations in the 'visibility' and preservation ofthe different types of features plays an obvious role, one must acceptthe contemporaneous use of different dwelling-constructions in oneculture (Gron 1995). The point is, meanwhile, that each of the featuresstudied here shows a clear tendency to coincide with the other features. To the discussion of whether concentrations of worked flint cansignify sig��ni��fy?v. sig��ni��fied, sig��ni��fy��ing, sig��ni��fiesv.tr.1. To denote; mean.2. To make known, as with a sign or word: signify one's intent. dwelling-areas or not, and whether the floors of bark andbranches, the stake structures and the tent rings we know ateconsequently the remains of dwellings--or nor--it must be added that themajority of the suggested dwelling-structures coincide withconcentrations of flint and that no other type of structural remainshave been found that can be interpreted as Mesolithic dwellings. Ethnographic eth��nog��ra��phy?n.The branch of anthropology that deals with the scientific description of specific human cultures.eth��nog and experimental parallels for the use of Mesolithicdwellings The existence of culturally specific rules for the spatialorganisation of the dwelling-space is known from almost all recenthunter-gatherers. The basis for such organisations seems deeply rootedin the social psychology of the spatial organisation of small groups(Gron 1989, 1991). Ethnographically eth��nog��ra��phy?n.The branch of anthropology that deals with the scientific description of specific human cultures.eth��nog and in our ethnoarchaeologicalstudies, such patterns are often found legitimated by mythology mythology[Greek,=the telling of stories], the entire body of myths in a given tradition, and the study of myths. Students of anthropology, folklore, and religion study myths in different ways, distinguishing them from various other forms of popular, often orally and/orby a conceptualisation (artificial intelligence) conceptualisation - The collection of objects, concepts and other entities that are assumed to exist in some area of interest and the relationships that hold among them. of the dwelling-space as a micro-version of thecosmos containing a local 'centre of the world'(Eliade1983:212f.; Gron & Kuznetsov--in print; Holmberg 1922; Rank1951:141; Schmidt 1935, 1941:67-70; Yates 1989). The dwelling-space is separated into a series of'personal' areas that in a very dynamic way can be opened orclosed for communication with one or several of the other'cells'. An area is open for communication if its'inhabitant' is open for eye contact. If not, he/she canmaintain a state of isolation for days without any involvement in socialactivities. Binford has observed a general tendency that the hunters inhunting and gathering societies use their 'beds' as areas forpersonal isolation (Binford 1983:163-64). A fine description of thephenomenon is given by Jean Briggs based on her own experiences(1970:77): "That spot, just the length and breadth of my sleeping bag, very quickly became my home, in a real sense. I possessed my spot, and from it 1 always looked out on the same view. The sameness of it gave me a sense of stability in a worm of shifting dwellings, a feeling of belonging in a family; it even gave me a sense of privacy, since no one ever encroached on my space without permission, and sitting there I could withdraw quietly from conversation into an inner world, reading or writing, or observing the doings of the rest of the family and their friends without disturbance. " The borders of the personal areas in a dwelling may have nophysical manifestations at all or they can each--or several together--beconfined con��fine?v. con��fined, con��fin��ing, con��finesv.tr.1. To keep within bounds; restrict: Please confine your remarks to the issues at hand.See Synonyms at limit. by logs placed on the floor or even by small 'sleepingtents' mounted inside the dwelling (e.g. Manker 1935:100-101;Steller 1973:149; Yates 1989). According to the social-psychologicalresults, it looks as if the personal areas in the dwellings ofbunter-gatherers are generally organised spatially to supportmaintenance of the emblematic em��blem��at��ic? or em��blem��at��i��caladj.Of, relating to, or serving as an emblem; symbolic.[French embl��matique, from Medieval Latin embl roles/positions in the household andminimise its number of conflicts. To avoid conflicts, developing malesand females belonging to different couples are for instance n or placedbeside each other in multifamily dwellings (Gron 1981, 1991 ; Tanner The code name for the Xeon version of the Pentium III chip. See Xeon. 1979:84). The distances between the inhabitants of a dwelling and theirorientations reflect their relations to one another. On the basis of theEurasian material Rank states about dwellings (1951:141): "... in an symbolic sense the organisation of space on the small scale depicts the structure of the total society of the people concerned. It reflects a concentrate of all observable relations between the different generations, age groups, classes of the community, kin, and the division of labour between these. Since this system of order so to say has grown in an organic way from an economic-social basis as well as from numerous religious conceptions, this means that it must be perceived as a function of economic-social and spiritual life." The considerable number of sources describing this type of spatialorganisation has largely been ignored in archaeological interpretations,except for a few cases such Childe's interpretation of the ScaraBrae brae?n. ScotsA hillside; a slope.[Middle English bra, from Old Norse br dwellings (Childe 1946:28-32). Whereas social anthropologistsgenerally have little difficulty seeing it as a universal feature ofindigenous cultures that they have rules for how their dwellings shouldbe organised (e.g. Gron & Kuznetsov--in print), it has beenextremely difficult to gain archaeological acceptance for the idea thatit should be worth looking for patterning related to such spatialbehaviour in the archaeological material. One part of the problem isundoubtedly the way the spatial organisation of a household is reflectedin the finds. Different observations show that objects larger than 4-5cm are much more frequently cleared out from the central living-areasthan smaller objects (Binford 1978:153; Hayden 1981:142; O'Connel1987). That means that the chances of finding object types that reflectthe spatial organisation of prehistoric pre��his��tor��ic? also pre��his��tor��i��caladj.1. Of, relating to, or belonging to the era before recorded history.2. Of or relating to a language before it is first recorded in writing. dwellings increase withdecreasing size of the objects. Floors of branches will serve as trapsfor smaller items left in position. The distributions of the largertypes such as cores, scrapers and knives mostly do not show significantand repeated small-scale patterns, whereas such patterns are generallyfound in the distributions of the microliths (Figures 1,3) (Gron 1995).This is consistent with the size factor. For the Maglemose Culture, the material within the lenticular partsof the culture layers is often organised in accordance with repeatedspatial patterns that are also found inside structures with stake wallsand branch/bark floors preserved (Figures 9-11). This is significant forthe microliths and the hearths. They tend to appear in the dwellings inone or two sets each consisting of one concentration of microliths andone hearth. [FIGURE 11 OMITTED] With regard to the two later Mesolithic phases, the Kongemose andthe Ertebolle Cultures, a modification can be observed in thedwelling-organisation (Figure 11). Whereas the smaller dwellings withone concentration of arrow points and one hearth seem closely related tothose from the Maglemose Culture, those with two sets (apart fromMollegabet II, Vaengeso is regarded as belonging to this category) seemto have had the indwellers arranged in couples with their front againstthe entrance at the one end of the structure (Figures 3, 11, 12)(Gron--in print). [FIGURE 12 OMITTED] In contrast to the Maglemosian pattern with a diagonal separationof the dwelling-space, the new way of organising the dwellings has nolimits with regard to the number of 'units' it can contain.The change of pattern may therefore reflect an increase in the number ofnuclear families in the households, as is indicated in figure 11 (Gron1998, 1999,--in print; Gron & Skaarup 1995; Gron & Sorensen1996). The interpretation of the handling of arrow points in the dwellingsas a male activity and hearth-related activities as a female activitydoes not necessarily mean that the men were 'hunters' and thatthe wives were 'housewives' in the world outside theritualised dwelling-space. One must distinguish between a person'sformal social role and his/her real role in the group. According to myown observations, the more traditional of the Evenki in Siberia in theirduktchars (tipi type of tents) and modern canvas tents maintain anorganisational pattern where the kitchen storage area (Tjungal) isinside the entrance in the women's side of the dwelling. Thus theformal organisation of the dwelling-space clearly relates the women tofood preparation. Meanwhile it is quite normal that women hunt--even biggame--and in some families the wife is actually the family's mainhunter. What we are able to observe in the distributions preserved are thepositions of persons engaged in their everyday activities. For Atlanticdwellings with platforms it seems a bit strange that the night-patternshould be the same as the one reflecting the daily activities: the womenon the platforms and the men on the 'floor'. Like the Evenki,who during the day maintain a male and a female side of the dwelling,but where the couples during the night sleep together in its male part(Gron & Kuznetsov--in print), it is not unlikely that theKongemose/Ertebolle people operated with a male and a female side of thedwelling, but that the couples slept together in the female side--on the'platform'--at night (Figure 12). Because the repeated small-scale distribution patterns generallyoccur in conjunction with concentrations of lithic waste,pits/lenticular thickenings of the culture layers, and the otherfeatures which seem to signify dwelling-areas, it is difficult to thinkof other areas in the settlements that should be organised so strictlyin accordance with repeated spatial patterns. That systematicsmall-scale patterning has been observed only in 15 of the 38 sitesfeatured in figures 9 and 10 is mainly due to the absence of informationabout the distributions or appearance of so few arrow points in theassemblages that significant patterns cannot be distinguished. Discussion A central point in this paper is that spatial distributions inMesolithic deposits will often be significant even when no floors orother structures are preserved. This provides an improved possibilityfor identifying and interpreting dwellings in areas with less favourablepreservation conditions. That such patterns appear in connection with concentrations oflithic waste should not make us reject the possibility that theyrepresent dwellings, but should rather stimulate an interest inunderstanding in detail the complicated spatial/horizontal as well asthe stratigraphic stra��tig��ra��phy?n.The study of rock strata, especially the distribution, deposition, and age of sedimentary rocks.strat aspects of the site formation. The relations betweendifferent types of data presented here, hopefully, can show that thismay be a fruitful way to go. The artefacts and the waste are not distributed at random. Theirhorizontal as well as stratigraphic positions reflect directly theactivities carried out by the prehistoric inhabitants in the settlementswe study. Different artefact and waste types have different dynamics.Apparently, items of a size of up to a few centimetres are less'sensitive' to general cleaning than the larger items--as oneshould expect from the ethno-archaeological data (Binford 1978:153; Gron1995; Hayden 1981:142; O'Connel 1987), whereas they may besensitive to small-scale removal from seating places, etc. (Gron 2000;1987; Gron--in print). One should also take into account that disposalof some waste categories may be regulated ritually in ways that may havedifferent effects on where they are located inside the dwellings as wellas outside (Gron and Kuznetsov--in print). The general results presented in Figure 11 apart from being apurely typological development also contain information about theorganisation of the households in the prehistoric hunter-gatherersocieties. The figure reflects directly the changes in the'stereotypes' of the small-scale social organisation ofprehistoric hunter-gatherers in an everyday context. It is obvious thatsuch information may have other implications than just the typologicalones. To what degree does similarity in the way dwellings are organisedreflect cultural similarity? and to what degree can analysis of thechanges in dwelling-organisation elucidate e��lu��ci��date?v. e��lu��ci��dat��ed, e��lu��ci��dat��ing, e��lu��ci��datesv.tr.To make clear or plain, especially by explanation; clarify.v.intr.To give an explanation that serves to clarify. the cultural dynamics inprocesses of cultural change--e.g. Neolithicisation? The two patterns in figure 11 interpreted as representing a singlenuclear family are not different with regard to the relative positionsof the individuals. In a Mesolithic context this pattern is found in thezone expanded by Southern Scandinavia, Southern England, Belgium, andNorthern Germany (Crombe 1998a, 1998b; Gron 1995; Wenzel 2002). It is avery basic pattern that will probably also be found outside thisgeographical zone Noun 1. geographical zone - any of the regions of the surface of the Earth loosely divided according to latitude or longitudezoneclimatic zone - any of the geographical zones loosely divided according to prevailing climate and latitude as well and its Mesolithic appearance is most likelynot its first (Joris & Terberger 2001). What is interesting is that the Early Mesolithic and the LateMesolithic multi-family patterns combine the basic nuclear-familypattern in two significantly different ways (Figure 11). The EarlyMesolithic multi-family pattern of the Maglemose Culture is found in thezone extended over Southern Scandinavia and Southern Germany as aminimum (Gron 1995; Schonweiss & Werner 1977). The Late Mesolithicmulti-family pattern has so far been observed in Southern Scandinavia ina Mesolithic context, but one should be aware that what may be the samepattern can be related to the remains of the Finnish'log-built' pit dwelling at Karmelahti in Puumala, easternFinland, dated to 3500-2500 BC cal. (Katiskoski 2002). This admits theinteresting possibility that the 'Late Mesolithic' patterncontinues in the Finnish and Swedish pit dwellings of the Baltic LateMesolithic and Neolithic hunting-gathering cultures (Pesonen 2002;Loeffler & Westfal 1985). It is thus obvious that the dwelling-patterns observed exceed theknown borders of the 'archaeological cultures' and thus can besaid to indicate the existence of cultural relations between groups withdifferent material cultures. Such an idea is in good accordance withethnographic and ethnoarchaeological observations from, for instance,the Evenki hunter-gatherers in Siberia. Some aspects of the materialculture, the spiritual culture, and/or the language may displaysignificant small-scale variations within what must be regarded as onecultural/ethnic grouping (Barth 1969; 1987; Gron et al. 2002; Gron etal.--in print; Shirokogoroff 1935:12-39), whereas on the other side myown ethnoarchaeological observations from Siberia--so far--indicate thatpatterns ofdwelling-organisation are one of the most constant andfar-reaching expressions of cultural affiliation. Another interesting change appears through the Maglemose Culture.In its early phases the one-family units seem to dominate totally. Inthe period from 7000-6000 cal. BC, meanwhile, the units interpreted as'two-family dwellings' make up 67 per cent of tile sites withidentified patterns (Gron 1995:51). The interpretation of the changefrom the Early Mesolithic to the Late Mesolithic multifamily pattern asrelated to an on-going increase in the number of nuclear families in thehouseholds (3.2) fits this latter observation as support for the idea ofsome kind of force that increases the household size throughout theMesolithic in Southern Scandinavia. According to the indications we have of the number of separateunits in the settlements, it is likely that many Early and LateMesolithic settlements consisted of several contemporaneous dwellings.What seems to decrease is the distance between them, whereas there islittle concrete evidence that people became more sedentary sedentary/sed��en��tary/ (sed��en-tar?e)1. sitting habitually; of inactive habits.2. pertaining to a sitting posture.sedentaryof inactive habits; pertaining to a fat, castrated or confined animal. (Figure 13)(Gron 1987, 1998a). An increase in the number of nuclear families in thehouseholds and a decrease in the distance between their dwellings in thesettlements seems to signal an increase in the 'passivecontact' between the individuals and thus an increase in the socialcontrol in the extended social units (Festinger etal. 1963). [FIGURE 13 OMITTED] There is no obvious economic reason why the same people should nothave been able to make a successful living in settlements where theymaintained a distance of approximately 40m between dwellings with onlyone nuclear family in each. The changes in household size start wellbefore the climatic changes of the Atlantic Transgression which alteredwhat remained of the Preboreal and Boreal bo��re��al?adj.1. Of or relating to the north; northern.2. Of or concerning the north wind.3. Boreal plains into a landscape withfocus on marine resources in the highly productive coastal zone around5000 BC (Figure 14)(Andersen 2001; Christensen 1995; Gron 1998a). [FIGURE 14 OMITTED] The question arises whether the observed changes in Northern Europeare partly or exclusively the result of natural ecological changes, as Ihave earlier suggested (Gron 1998a; Tringham 2000) or reflect an impactof Neolithic ideology long before a recognisable Neolithic economy isintroduced, parallel to the situation Tringham describes in the middleand lower Danube basins. The existence should be seriously considered ofa pre-Neolithic phase in Northern Europe which included experiments withNeolithic strategies on local species and on a small scale also on someintroduced species prior to the 'real Neolithicisation' (Gron1998a; Jennbert 1984). The study of dwelling-organisation in the Mesolithic, opens up afield of new information that can supplement our present picture ofcultural affiliations and dynamics in prehistory. That the patterns tendto indicate the existence of cultural long-distance affiliations betweengroups with differences in material culture is in accordance with theobservations from Siberian hunter-gatherers, where significantvariations in material culture, spiritual culture, and language can beobserved within what one must regard as one ethnic/cultural group (Gronet al. 2002). Apparently, small-scale group identification plays a rolehere. In relation to the introduction of a new economy--the process weare watching among some of the Siberian hunter-gatherers today--singleindividuals may not only swap between different cultural and ethnicgroupings and adjust to their beliefs and behavioural code. They mayalso swap between different types of economy--from hunting-gathering topastoralism PastoralismArcadiamountainous region of ancient Greece; legendary for pastoral innocence of people. [Gk. Hist.: NCE, 136; Rom. Lit.: Eclogues; Span. Lit. , from pastoralism to farming as well as the other way roundand still be accepted members of the same Evenki group. A significant trait trait(trat)1. any genetically determined characteristic; also, the condition prevailing in the heterozygous state of a recessive disorder, as the sickle cell trait.2. a distinctive behavior pattern. with small-scale cultures is flexibility,dynamics, and individual decision-making ability (Barth 1978; 1987; Gronet aL 2002). A focus on the organisation of dwellings and settlementsmay improve archaeology's ability to cope better with some of thesocial and cultural complexity, which one must expect existed in a phaseof economic and ideological transition such as the Mesolithic. Floor of bark/ Wall stakes/ branches posts/tent ringDuvensee 13 (1986) M XDuvensee 13 (1989) M XKlosterlund 1 E MBarmosen I M XUlkestrup I M X XUlkestrup II M X XDuvensee 6 M XDuvensee 8 M XDuvensee 13 (1985) M XHylteberga nr.9 K? XHjemsted M XDeepcar M XLollikhuse E XNiva 10 E XAgerod I:HC M/K XRude Mark MKlosterlund I W MStallerupholm MVaengeso MTobisborg 1:1975 MTobisborg 2:1975 MTobisborg 3:1975 MHagestad 6:2A,1 MHagestad 6:2A,2 MHagestad 6:2A,3 MHagestad 6:2A,4 MHagestad 44:8A MMollegabet II E X XBredasten E XLeksand I K/E XLeksand II K/E XSvanemosen 28 MFlaadet MSaxtorp nr.l 1 KSkateholm I ETagerup 1 E XTagerup 2 ETagerup 'W' E X Flint Hearth/ concentration hearthsDuvensee 13 (1986) M X XDuvensee 13 (1989) M XKlosterlund 1 E M X XBarmosen I M X XUlkestrup I M X XUlkestrup II M X XDuvensee 6 M X XDuvensee 8 M X XDuvensee 13 (1985) M X XHylteberga nr.9 K?Hjemsted M X XDeepcar M X XLollikhuse E X XNiva 10 E X XAgerod I:HC M/K X ?Rude Mark M X XKlosterlund I W M X XStallerupholm M X XVaengeso M X XTobisborg 1:1975 M XTobisborg 2:1975 M XTobisborg 3:1975 M XHagestad 6:2A,1 M X ?Hagestad 6:2A,2 M X XHagestad 6:2A,3 M X XHagestad 6:2A,4 M XHagestad 44:8A M XMollegabet II E X XBredasten E X XLeksand I K/E XLeksand II K/E XSvanemosen 28 M X XFlaadet M X XSaxtorp nr.l 1 K X XSkateholm I E X XTagerup 1 E X XTagerup 2 E X XTagerup 'W' E X Systematic Dwelling patterning pit/lenseDuvensee 13 (1986) MDuvensee 13 (1989) MKlosterlund 1 E M XBarmosen I M XUlkestrup I M X XUlkestrup II M X XDuvensee 6 M X XDuvensee 8 M X XDuvensee 13 (1985) M X XHylteberga nr.9 K? XHjemsted M ? XDeepcar M X XLollikhuse E XNiva 10 E X XAgerod I:HC M/K XRude Mark M X XKlosterlund I W M X XStallerupholm M ? XVaengeso M X XTobisborg 1:1975 M XTobisborg 2:1975 M XTobisborg 3:1975 M XHagestad 6:2A,1 M ? XHagestad 6:2A,2 M XHagestad 6:2A,3 M X XHagestad 6:2A,4 M XHagestad 44:8A M XMollegabet II E X XBredasten E XLeksand I K/ELeksand II K/ESvanemosen 28 M X XFlaadet M XSaxtorp nr.l 1 K XSkateholm I E XTagerup 1 E XTagerup 2 E XTagerup 'W' E X Central posts/stakesDuvensee 13 (1986) MDuvensee 13 (1989) MKlosterlund 1 E MBarmosen I MUlkestrup I MUlkestrup II MDuvensee 6 MDuvensee 8 MDuvensee 13 (1985) MHylteberga nr.9 K?Hjemsted MDeepcar MLollikhuse ENiva 10 EAgerod I:HC M/KRude Mark MKlosterlund I W MStallerupholm MVaengeso MTobisborg 1:1975 MTobisborg 2:1975 MTobisborg 3:1975 MHagestad 6:2A,1 MHagestad 6:2A,2 MHagestad 6:2A,3 MHagestad 6:2A,4 MHagestad 44:8A MMollegabet II E XBredasten E XLeksand I K/E XLeksand II K/E XSvanemosen 28 M ?Flaadet M XSaxtorp nr.l 1 K XSkateholm I E XTagerup 1 E XTagerup 2 E XTagerup 'W' EFigure 9. Table testing the dwellings in the sample and she featuresobserved on them. Maglemose Culture = M, Kongemose Culture = K,Ertebolle Culture = E. 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