Mining Workers or 'Opportunist' Tribesmen?: a Tribal Workforce in a Papua New Guinea Mine [1].

Mining Workers or 'Opportunist' Tribesmen?: a Tribal Workforce in a Papua New Guinea Mine [1]. ABSTRACT This paper looks at the formation and working of a 'greenmining workforce' in a Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea(păp`ə, –y (PNG (Portable Network Graphics) A bitmapped graphics file format endorsed by the World Wide Web Consortium. It is expected to eventually replace the GIF format, because there are lingering legal problems with GIFs. ) mine. It describesand analyses a group of tribesmen whose entry into the modernwage-earning workforce has resulted from the establishment of a largemining project in their area. The Porgeran tribesmen [2], of theHighlands of PNG have embraced the concept of monetary employment andquickly assimilated into the mining work environment. However, theiradmission into wage employment has been achieved through a series ofpersonal and workplace challenges, as anticipated of any transitoryworkforce. The paper discusses those challenges and also takes intoconsideration the views and perceptions of non-Progeran mining workerstowards them. Hence, one of the major objectives of this paper is toaddress the transformation of this tribal people into a modernwage-earning workforce. It concludes by identifying possible avenues foranthropological studies of such groups of people to record theirpeculiar perception s of, and attitudes to, an alien but promising newalternative to their subsistence life style. INTRODUCTION Anthropology has recently brought the miner into its main scope ofstudy. However as Godoy (1985:199) states, anthropological worksexamining miners and their work still lack a coherent framework. Thesomewhat scattered literature documents diverse aspects of the impact ofmining on the various groups of people where projects are located,particularly in non-western countries. Some of the earlieranthropological works (Richards 1939; Gluckman 1941, 1961; Epstein 1959)examined the deleterious deleteriousadj. harmful. effects of migration upon indigenous patternsof political leadership and production especially around the Zambiancopperbelt region. Nash's (1979) work on the connection betweenritual, ideology and production among Latin American peasant miners hastaken on classic status. There is also a substantial literature on thetransformation of African tribesmen by the mining industry into askilled and cohesive working class (Bates Bates? , Katherine Lee 1859-1929.American educator and writer best known for her poem "America the Beautiful," written in 1893 and revised in 1904 and 1911. 1971; O'Meara 1975;Perrings 1979; Partpart, 1983). Similarly, there has been work done onAbori ginal tribal people in the Australian mining industry where theirculture and way of life in the context of wage labour have been thefocus of research (Sharp and Tatz 1966). However, studying tribalpeoples' association with mining work has emerged only veryrecently in modern ethnography ethnography:see anthropology; ethnology. ethnographyDescriptive study of a particular human society. Contemporary ethnography is based almost entirely on fieldwork. of PNG (Hyndman 1987; Polier 1994, 1996).In PNG, medium and large scale mining has recently emerged as aneconomic phenomenon enabling overseas enterprises to exploit the mineraldeposits with a largely tribal 'green workforce' in somehinterland areas, but also has become a significant force in bringingunprecedented social and economic changes to the local inhabitants :This article is about the video game. For Inhabitants of housing, see Residency Inhabitants is an independently developed commercial puzzle game created by S+F Software. DetailsThe game is based loosely on the concepts from SameGame. . The country has now four large world class mines (Ok Tedi, Misima,Porgera and Lihir excluding the now 'abandoned' giant Pangunacopper mine on Bougainville island For other uses of "Bougainville", see Bougainville.Bougainville is part of Papua New Guinea and is the largest island of the Solomon Islands group.Bougainville, the adjacent island of Buka, and assorted outlying islands including the Carterets are sometimes known as [3]), and a handful of medium-sizedmines in operation or about to be developed. Mining has had a directimpact on the local economies of those mostly subsistence farming subsistence farmingForm of farming in which nearly all the crops or livestock raised are used to maintain the farmer and his family, leaving little surplus for sale or trade. Preindustrial agricultural peoples throughout the world practiced subsistence farming. tribesmen who inhabit some of the remotest parts of the country wherethese mines and explorations are located. Being hosts to the projectsalone has given most of these previously isolated communities withrelatively little experience of wage labour, access to employmentopportunities and a link to the larger economy and society, national andinternational. But anthropological studies of the 'greenworkforce' in the mining context in PNG are few. [4] Given this gap in the literature, the limited aim of this paper isto discuss some observations on a group of tribesmen who have beenrecently brought into a mining workforce as a result of theestablishment of a major mine in their area. The Porgeran tribesmen, whoare hosts of and work for PNG's Porgera gold mine The Porgera Gold Mine is a large gold mining operation located in Enga province, Papua New Guinea. The mine is located at the head of the Porgera Valley, the site of the current open pit used to be Mt Wari Wari - it has now been excavated. , have substitutedwage labour for subsistence labour in just a matter of a decade. Theirresponse to this challenging reorientation Noun 1. reorientation - a fresh orientation; a changed set of attitudes and beliefsorientation - an integrated set of attitudes and beliefs2. reorientation - the act of changing the direction in which something is oriented , the alien arrangement ofwork, and its impact on their lives, has been an ambivalent one. I start with a description of the historical and culturalbackground from which the Porgeran workforce emerged and also reviewsome events that directly influenced both the formation and shaping ofan increasingly Porgeran dominated mining workforce. Second, I discussPorgerans' attitudes concerning mining employment and the changesin their lives, and the perception of Porgerans by others in thiscontext. The discussion is supplemented by the author'sobservations on the Porgeran workers' productivity and their viewson unionism at the mine. Third and finally, I conclude that althoughmost of the Porgerans may be seen as 'opportunists' in seekingemployment, in their sudden entrance into wage employment, they havenevertheless profoundly embraced the mining labour market making theironce small isolated community now an integral component of thecountry's emerging modern economy. THE PORGERAN BACKGROUND Numbering some 10,000 and occupying the second largest district inthe Enga province Coordinates: Enga refers to both an ethnic group located in the highlands of Papua New Guinea and the province in which they are the majority ethnic group. , the Ipili speakers of the Porgera valley were exposedto the gold economy as early as the 1930s through a continuous stream ofwhite alluvial al��lu��vi��al?adj.Of, relating to, or found in alluvium: alluvial soil; alluvial gold.alluvialAdjectiveof or relating to alluviumNoun gold miners visiting their area. Some Porgerans wereemployed as labourers by individual miners and subsequently by miningcompanies. It was the individual miners who first introduced the peopleto a cash economy where labourers were paid cash with which theypurchased goods from a tradestore often owned by an alluvial miner. Thisled them to develop a taste for western products. Over a period ofthirty years the Porgerans have been getting used to a continuous supplyof trade store goods and cash to the local community (Smalley 1983;Banks 1993:7; Biersack 2000). Nevertheless, prior to the development of the mine, subsistenceagriculture Subsistence agriculture (also known as self sufficiency in terms of agriculture) is a method of farming in which farmers plan to grow only enough food to feed the family farming, pay taxes or feudal dues, and perhaps provide a small marketable surplus. remained the predominant activity and major source oflivelihood for the bulk of the Porgeran people. Soil infertility infertility,inability to conceive or carry a child to delivery. The term is usually limited to situations where the couple has had intercourse regularly for one year without using birth control. and thefrosty frost��y?adj. frost��i��er, frost��i��est1. Producing or characterized by frost; freezing. See Synonyms at cold.2. Covered with or as if with frost.3. Silvery white; hoary.4. climate of the Porgera region have prevented Porgerans fromventuring into other cash crops such as coffee. Those Porgerans withinthe vicinity of the goldfield Goldfield,small town, SW Nev., a former gold-mining center. Gold was discovered there in 1902, and after an early period of disappointment, large yields of high quality gold were extracted. made a gradual shift away from subsistenceactivities and saw gold mining initially as a 'second garden'.This produced inequalities in access to cash-earning opportunities inPorgera where only some places have access to gold (Banks 1993; Jacka2000). Despite the emergence of a local monetary economy, a lack ofeducation and motivation coupled with isolation have seen a very lownumber of Porgerans migrating out to other parts of PNG. As the PNG government approved the Porgera mine development plan in1987, the Ipili people saw that as heralding a new era of modernisationfor them. They eagerly awaited the mine, which they expected wouldgenerate much needed economic benefits. The overwhelming feeling of thePorgerans including people from Lagaip area was in contrast to the otherEngans who wanted the mine contingent upon Adj. 1. contingent upon - determined by conditions or circumstances that follow; "arms sales contingent on the approval of congress"contingent on, dependant on, dependant upon, dependent on, dependent upon, depending on, contingent the developer investing inthe Province's various key infrastructural projects such as roads,hospitals and schools. The latter view was based on the fear that theother four Enga districts would miss out on the expected benefits fromthe Progeran mine and only a comprehensive social assistance packagefrom the developer was to put them on equal footing with the Porgeransin the vicinity of the mine (Samson, 1991). But for the Porgerans therewas going to be no strings attached to mining on their land providedthey received maximum benefits, both in employment opportunities andbusiness spin offs. However, local perceptions of the mine reflected limited knowledgeand comprehension of what was to be involved (Imbun 1998:6). Thetechnology, scale of operations and resultant social impact of the minewere beyond the scope of Ipili knowledge and experience. Social impactstudies (Jackson 1986; Wohlt 1986) noted that there were numerousinstances of misinterpreting the adverse social changes that were to begenerated by the mine. Many anticipated access to alcohol andprostitution as good 'as long as it did not cost much'; someviewed the influx of outsiders to the project as 'good' alsobut, 'only if they are our relatives' (Pacific Agribusiness agribusinessAgriculture operated by business; specifically, that part of a modern national economy devoted to the production, processing, and distribution of food and fibre products and byproducts. 1987:56). The failure to grasp the destructive potential of the mine wascoloured by the expectation of numerous compensation handouts and otherinstant and long term benefits the mine was going to provide thePorgeran community. The same lack of comprehension was also experiencedby the Wokapmin of Ok Tedi mine This article is about the Ok Tedi Mine. For the River, see Ok Tedi River. The Ok Tedi Mine is located near the headwaters of the Ok Tedi River, in the Star Mountains Rural LLG of the North Fly District of the Western Province of Papua New Guinea. where they perceived educational andhealth faciliti es as beneficial but had no idea of the substantialimpact it was going to have on their way of life (Hyndman 1987:30). FORMATION OF THE PORGERAN PROLETARIAT proletariat(prōlətâr`ēət), in Marxian theory, the class of exploited workers and wage earners who depend on the sale of their labor for their means of existence. The lack of development of a cash economy coupled with thesedeveloped expectations posed a real problem for the relationshipsbetween the mine and local people. When Porgera Joint Venture (PJV PJV Porgera Joint Venture (Papua New Guinea)),comprising four equity partners and managed by Placer Niugini (asubsidiary of the Canadian company Placer Dome Placer Dome was a large mining company specializing in gold and other precious metals, with corporate headquarters in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada.Barrick has acquired 100% of the Placer Dome shares on January 20, 2006, and has integrated the company into its own. ), wanted to commenceconstruction on the Progera project in 1988 it was faced with a'recruitment dilemma' that quickly became a stumbling block stum��bling blockn.An obstacle or impediment.stumbling blockNounany obstacle that prevents something from taking place or progressingNoun 1. tothe smooth construction and eventual operation of the mine. The virtualnon-existence of a local labour market presented a problem. ThePorgerans generally were illiterate because of both isolation and longneglect by any level of government and thus only a poorly developededucation system existed. An earlier consultancy report pointed out that'there will be few candidates from Porgera available to compete notonly for the construction period but also for the mine workforce in1991' (Pacific Agribusiness 1987:12). Accordingly, the majority ofthese positions w ere inevitably to be filled by people from other areasof PNG. However, PJV found that to recruit mainly non-Porgeran labour wouldcause much resentment within the local community. Already Porgeransthrough the Porgera Landowners Association (PLA (Programmable Logic Array) A type of programmable logic chip (PLD) that contained arrays of programmable AND and OR gates. PLAs are no longer used. See PLD. (language, music) Pla - A high-level music programming language, written in SAIL. ) and other publicrallies had made evident their dislike for what they called'intruders' (other Papua New Guineas) into Porgera. Theyasserted that because the project was on their land, they took thatopportunity as a stepping stone to advance 'ourselves' and tobe where 'others' (other Papua New Guineans PoliticsDame Josephine Abaijah Sir Peter Barter Sir Julius Chan Ted Diro Sir John Guise Chris Haiveta Leo Hannett Joseph Kabui Sir John Kaputin Sir Albert Maori Kiki Sir Paulias Matane John Momis Jeffrey Nape ) are (Enga Nius10/6/91). On a lesser scale but also of concern to PJV was the fact thatthe rest of the Enga people also voiced similar sentiments and, ifdenied employment, some of them vowed to take the law into their ownhands and 'block off the highway' (the lifeline of theproject) which brought all the project supplies from the city port ofLae. The threat in the lead up to the 'recruitment fever' hadsome credibility because the 600 kilometre road had to pass through somepopulous pop��u��lous?adj.Containing many people or inhabitants; having a large population.[Middle English, from Latin popul areas of the province to get to Porg era. The magnitude of thisrecruitment problem was particularly serious given the fact that thevast majority of the 200 000 Enga people have negligible experience ofwage employment. Unemployment in Enga (and other areas of the country)has been relatively high, partly because of restricted opportunities andlack of employment incentive, especially for its young school leavers(McGavin 1993:16). The uneasiness of the tribesmen can be understood asPorgera presented one of the rare opportunities for them to acquire cashincome and thus the envied western consumer goods consumer goodsAny tangible commodity purchased by households to satisfy their wants and needs. Consumer goods may be durable or nondurable. Durable goods (e.g., autos, furniture, and appliances) have a significant life span, often defined as three years or more, and that are in greatdemand in the country. These sentiments then directly influenced thecall for a more preferential employment policy for Porgerans and Engans. As a direct response to PJV's employment and recruitmentdilemma, and also to the urgent need for a uniform national policy onthe distribution of benefits from major mine developments, the PorgeraDevelopment Forum (PDF (Portable Document Format) The de facto standard for document publishing from Adobe. On the Web, there are countless brochures, data sheets, white papers and technical manuals in the PDF format. ) was established. The 'developmentforum' was a national government initiative to deal with thenegotiation of all major mining and petroleum projects, and wasincorporated as such into the new Mining Act of 1992. In this casePorgera was the first mine to formally go through this pluralist plu��ral��ist?n.1. An adherent of social or philosophical pluralism.2. Ecclesiastical A person who holds two or more offices, especially two or more benefices, at the same time.Noun 1. styleof mine development negotiation policies on the anticipated distributionof the benefits of the mine. The PDF served as a negotiating mechanism,because it was largely devised as a response to pressures from the EngaProvincial Government. However, the institution of graduated employmentpreferences (i.e. local community, then province, and then the rest ofPNG) was already an established feature of mineral development policybefore the negotiation of the Porgera project. For example, inBougainvill e, Ok Tedi and Misima the different managements maintained aconsistent employment policy where local areas were exhaustivelysearched for potentially skilled manpower requirements Human resources needed to accomplish specified work loads of organizations. before theyshifted their recruitment attention to rest of the country (Imbun 1998).The PDF called for amongst other things, preference in employment,training and business spin-offs to be given to local people. It was asignificant policy for the benefit of the resource developers and thelocal community. For the former, 'the policy provided an economicinducement InducementElectraincited brother, Orestes, to kill their mother and her lover. [Gk. Myth.: Zimmerman, 92; Gk. Lit.: Electra, Orestes]Hezekiahexhorts Judah to stand fast against Assyrians. [O.T. to substitute cheaper local labour for workers from otherregions of PNG and, to a lesser degree, for expatriates' (Imbun1998:5). The mine began operation on a fly-in/fly-out system where mostlyskilled Australians and New Zealanders commuted from Cairns Cairns,city (1991 pop. 64,463), Queensland, NE Australia, on Trinity Bay. It is a principal sugar port of Australia; lumber and other agricultural products are also exported. The city's proximity to the Great Barrier Reef has made it a tourist center. , NorthQueensland North Queensland is the northern part of the state of Queensland in Australia. Queensland is a massive state, larger than most countries, and the Tropical northern part of it has been historically remote and underdeveloped, resulting in a distinctive regional character and and alternated between 21 days of work at Porgera and areturn for 14 days rest. For the non-Porgeran national workforce thesame commuting arrangements applied where they relied on both air androad transport depending on the proximity of their province of origin toPorgera. The Porgerans had to commute daily to the mine from theirvillages and had very little or no access to living camps shared bynon-Porgeran employees of the mine. The camps were mostly singleaccommodation units. There was clearly a strong economic incentive for the company tohire Porgeran and Engan workers rather than recruit from outside theprovince, provided other things were equal. This in a more important andsensitive way also met the demands of the local people who wantedpreferential hiring policy on the grounds that it was their lives,culture and environment that were more affected by the adverse impactsof the mine development. Further, above all, they were the traditionalowners of the mining lease land and, therefore should be 'lookedafter' more than others (Porgera Agreement 1989). The preferentialhiring also served as a security measure to minimise localdissatisfactions which might erupt into various acts of disruption,sabotage, or violence adversely affecting the safe and efficientoperation of the mine. In fact, the preferential employment policieswere products of the 1989 Porgera Development Forum (PDF) between themine stake holders (Porgera land owners, National Government and EngaProvince Government) (Porgera Agreement 1989). So, for the existingmines (like Ok Tedi and Misima) PDF policies only served to legitimise Verb 1. legitimise - make legal; "Marijuana should be legalized"decriminalise, decriminalize, legalise, legalize, legitimate, legitimatise, legitimatize, legitimize the tacitly held affirmative employment policies. Now in Porgera'scase subject to normal commercial and operating requirements, prioritywas to be given in order to Porgeran landowners, other people from theimmediate mining area, people from the (Enga) province and finally toother Papua New Guineans. In fact, there were concerns expressed on the ethnic affirmativeemployment policy by some sections of the literate PNG population. Somelegal and academic observers labelled the affirmative action affirmative action,in the United States, programs to overcome the effects of past societal discrimination by allocating jobs and resources to members of specific groups, such as minorities and women. employmentpolicies as 'overtly segregative policies' which would createa 'them' and 'us' type of relationship betweenlandowners and non-landowners in an already volatile country. They sawthe policies as a dangerous precedent, which would deny manynon-landowning people access to employment. Furthermore, they warnedthat any inconsistency in the distribution of wealth from resourceprojects could be contradictory to the 'Eight Aims' (of theState's Development Policies) which stand for equal participationin job opportunities by all Papua New Guineans. They mentioned thepotential of a repeat of the Bougainville experience where'outsiders' were referred to as 'redskins' by'blackskin' Bougainvilleans, contributing to the prolongeddiscontent on the island. In turn, the critics of the PDF called forcriteria wh ere balance in job allocation from resource projects ismaintained to ensure landowners and non-landowners have equal accessespecially to the mining and petroleum labour market (Post-Courier6/8/89). Despite the concerns, Porgeran labour was obtained by means of asystematic recruitment program, which PJV used to facilitate theadvancement of Porgeran tribesmen in the mine. A register of Porgeranapplicants was maintained (as expected) where a Porgeran with therequired skills was given preference over others. Some of the Porgeranswho ended up being recruited were those who could understand andcommunicate in Tok Pisin Tok Pis��in?n.A pidgin based on English and spoken in Papua New Guinea.[Pidgin English, from Englishtalk + Englishpidgin.] language which is spoken at workplaces in thecountry. This was done on the understanding that the tribesmen were tobe placed next to qualified non-Porgeran or expatriate workers wherethey would 'learn on the job'. They were to become truckhaulers and operators of heavy equipment, welders, motor mechanics,lubemen, rotary-drill operations, diamond drillers, laboratoryassistants and road maintenance workers. In 1989, and the following year, (as Table 1 below shows) more thana quarter of the workforce of over 3000 were indeed Porgerans during thethree year construction phase. Table 1 shows the number of employees by their ethnic origin forthe two full years of the mine s construction. Porgerans comprised asignificant portion of the entire workforce in that period. Porgeransaccounted for 32% of a total construction workforce of 2058 in 1989 and30% the following year of a slightly smaller total workforce. But theywere still the single biggest group of employees during the constructionperiod. Yet not everyone in the Porgeran composition of the mineworkforce was a Porgeran. There was an increasing representation ofnon-Porgerans, who were seen and referred to as 'other'Porgerans, who actually made up one third of the Porgeran mine workforcecomposition. They gained employment entry to the mine through bribery briberyCrime of giving a benefit (e.g., money) in order to influence the judgment or conduct of a person in a position of trust (e.g., an official or witness). Accepting a bribe also constitutes a crime. ofPorgeran elders and company recruitment officials and in a few cases,quick marriages to Porgeran women occurred in order to qualify for ajob. Whatever means they used to pass as Porgerans, these jobopportunists were often under pressure to maintain the 'other'Porg eran label by continuously making payments in money and kind togenuine Porgerans. Most of the Porgerans were unskilled workers but the'other' Porgerans did mainly skilled jobs. Although the figures do not show it, very few Porgerans achievedgrade ten education, which would have enabled them to fulfil jobs asheavy equipment operators, clerks, and store attendants which requirebasic communication skills. Such was also the case amongst landowners ofPanguna and Ok Tedi copper and gold mines earlier where only severalcould do semi-skilled jobs, while most of them were relegated toperipheral, unskilled wage-earner roles (Bedford and Mamak 1976a;Hyndman, 1987:32). Despite the lack of skills, the figures indicatePJV's preference for Porgerans. Most Porgerans faced a lot of challenges and problems as theyconfronted the industrial work milieu with its own peculiar demands andexpectations for the first time. Their skill handicaps became obvious asmine contractors met the recruiting procedures with mixed reactions. Inan effort to boost efficiency and to finish their work on schedulecontractors brought their own skilled workforce, and in some casesrecruited nationals. Where there was a need for Porgeran labour formostly skilled work the contractors imperfectly applied the mine'semployment policy. They recruited anyone who claimed to be a Porgeranprovided they had the necessary skills and experience. Increasingly thisopened up an avenue for 'other' Porgerans to use trade andmarital connections with the Porgeran people in order to get jobs. The data also show a strong presence of Engans in the workforcefollowed by other nationals and expatriates. The Engans, in general,were skilled. They took advantage of the skill deficiencies of thePorgerans and made up 34% of the total workforce in 1989 and 1990respectively. The nationals comprised a total of 350 workers in 1989 andin 1990, 486. Most of them were brought in by the contractors but PJVemployed some. The expatriates comprised 353 out of the 2058 strongworkforce in 1988. The next year they numbered 113, giving an annualturnover rate of 7%, as most of the construction work was completed. Allwere recruited in line with the company's recruitment policy. Thehigh turnover rate of expatriates and other nationals at the end of 1988in both areas of construction was obvious as most of them left after thecompletion of their designated work. Porgerans and Engans actuallyjoined or remained in PJV's workforce as it was preparing for themine's operations in late 1989. A lack of skills has not been the only problem. Not used to heavyindustrial work, Porgeran employees also found great difficulty inkeeping pace, and some of them went home early when their meager mea��geralso mea��gre ?adj.1. Deficient in quantity, fullness, or extent; scanty.2. Deficient in richness, fertility, or vigor; feeble: the meager soil of an eroded plain.3. dietcould not sustain them for long hours. Constant complaints from bothcontractor foremen and PJV personnel on Porgeran work performancehighlighted problems with punctuality PunctualityFogg, Phileascompletes world circuit at exact minute he wagered he would. [Fr. Lit.: Around the World in Eighty Days]Gilbrethsdisciplined family brought up to abide by strict, punctual standards. [Am. Lit. , absenteeism, and productivity.What seemed to be the Porgeran workers' odd behaviour often led tounfavourable perceptions and ridicule (Imbun 1999:6). Porgerans' work behaviour cannot be attributed solely to poornutrition. Unfamiliarity with formal work requirements and the need toadjust to the strictures of a structured work environment createddifficulties. Also, many Porgerans lacked the economic motivation towork as a result of the huge compensation payouts (Banks 1994:12, 1996).[5] Such a halfhearted attitude to work was not surprising as studiesdone on similar groups of first time tribal industrial workers saw the'usual' problems of productivity, absenteeism and turnoversprevalent, at least in the first few years of their employment (Lawrence1971; Tonkin 1966). However, despite the initial challenges and problemsencountered at the workplace, the Porgeran workers have showninitiative, competence and the ability to work in a heavy industrialwork setting. Physiologically, they have withstood the stress ofindustrial work and would now be much the same as nationals orexpatriates with comparable experience . The latter may have the upperhand because of better early diet and industrial work experience, butthe difference is negligible. After some six years it was already obvious to see the remarkableformation of an emerging Porgeran working class made up of formerlysubsistence agriculturalists. This achievement can be partly attributedto PJV where employment and training have favoured Porgerans overothers. While the company filled the requirements for skilled labour byrecruiting nationals and expatriates, for the bulk of the operationaland administrative jobs, the company has established a comprehensivetraining program for its Porgeran workforce. Most of the training hasbeen the usual on-the-job training given by fore men and supervisors.Group training has been the most successful form. Difficulties wereexperienced earlier in employing female trainees because of the lack ofbasic education and also because of fears in some Porgeran villages thatrelationships may develop between them and non-Porgeran workers. Despitethe reservations, secretarial and cleaning work have become popular forfemale Porgerans. For the Porgeran tribesmen an apprenticeship schemehas seen them move onto areas such as truck hauling and heavy equipmentoperation. As for the young scholastic students, a scholarship schemehas assisted them to further their education at colleges anduniversities in the country . Their return to the mine has significantlyboosted the Porgeran numbers in the mine workforce. The 'Porgeranisation' of the workforce has created abacklash from some sections of the mine workforce. There have beencomplaints about the mine's 'overtly segregative (employment)policies' and allegations of 'discriminatory practices'by both the mine's non-Porgeran workforce and the public (Interview10/11/96). Those most likely to be replaced were non-Porgeran manualworkers as Porgerans took on the jobs after understudying them. Giventhe explicit employment favouring Porgerans over others, non-Porgeransdid not go far with their complaints of discrimination and even the veryskilled non-Porgerans had a reason to be apprehensive of their jobs. ThePorgeranisation of the workforce has also begun to affect themine's key technical and administration jobs, which just a fewyears ago, were the exclusive domain of non-Porgerans. When the author was last there in late 1996, Porgeran tribesmenmade up a significant 40% of the little over 2000 strong workforce andwere seen in every facet of the workforce. This was a direct result ofboth the affirmative employment policy of the mine and thePorgerans' commitment to becoming part of the monetary workforce.The evidence of the Porgeranisation of the mine workforce is reflectedin Table 2 below. Table 2 shows the first six years of the mine's operation. Asexpected Porgerans dominated the mine's operation workforce. Thelarge presence of some 343 expatriates and 300 other nationals resultedfrom recruitment carried out by the mine to begin Stage 1 of the Stage 4expansions in the mill, maintenance, underground mine and engineeringdepartments in order to triple the mine's output. Technicalexpertise of the kind that was required for the expansion was notavailable in the country. In the second year (1991) of the mine's operation Porgeransagain constituted the biggest ethnic group in the workforce and thisbecame the trend in subsequent years as mainly Porgeran trainees andothers from the construction workforce joined the operations workforce.In contrast there was an attrition rate Noun 1. attrition rate - the rate of shrinkage in size or numberrate of attritionrate - a magnitude or frequency relative to a time unit; "they traveled at a rate of 55 miles per hour"; "the rate of change was faster than expected" of 7% as mainly expatriates andnationals left after the completion of Stage 1. The Porgeran segment of the workforce grew at an average of 5%annually followed by other nationals 3% while Engans and Expatriatesregistered a decline of 2% and 3% respectively. Conversely, in realterms, there were significant increases in employment in some years, forexample in 1993 expatriates totalled 466 which was higher than in theprevious and subsequent years. Engans totalled 332 in the same year butan attrition rate of 7% per annum Per annumYearly. was apparent. The data show a strongtrend towards the Porgeranisation of the workforce as more and morePorgerans 'relocalised' jobs held by Engans and other nationalworkers. In 1992 Stage 2 commissioning began with the engagement of moreexpatriates who were there to construct and man autoclave autoclaveVessel, usually of steel, able to withstand high temperatures and pressures. The chemical industry uses various types of autoclaves in manufacturing dyes and in other chemical reactions requiring high pressures. and pressureoxidation technology, which had not been used in PNG previously. Thenext year the workforce totalled 1841 with an additional 254 workers asthe mine began Stage 3 expansion which involved the construction andmanagement of the Suyan township. The number of Porgerans in the workforce steadily increased,whereas other ethnic groups slightly declined between 1994 and 1996. Themine's Stage 4 which was the last expansion stage started in 1994was completed the following year. This stage saw more other nationalsrecruited to construct the Anawe crushing circuit and Tawisakalegrinding circuit. In 1996 the total workforce stood at 2100 of whichPorgerans accounted for 42% followed by other nationals (32%),expatriates (14%) and Engans (12%). PORGERAN AMBIVALENCE TOWARDS WORK AND ACCUMULATION OF GOODS The earnings from this new and growing employment have becomevisible in Porgeran villages with the erection of permanent houses andentrepreneurial activities. The Porgerans' on-going strongmotivation and commitment to wage employment have stratified stratified/strat��i��fied/ (strat��i-fid) formed or arranged in layers. strat��i��fiedadj.Arranged in the form of layers or strata. the onceegalitarian society, and altered their attitudes and perceptions oftheir lives and drawn them to commercialism and its values. This section of the paper is based largely on interviews conductedin 1996 on a group of local Porgeran (numbering some 120 workers, seeTable 3) and non-Porgeran workers, including some of the expatriatemanagement personnel of the mine. Given the inaccessibility andproblematic logistics of the mine site, the interviews were largelyunstructured and interviewees were hand picked from the author'sprior experience with some of them on previous assignments; the restwere merely approached in the mine site and around Porgera town for thepurpose of this study. The author interviewed a total of some 200workers including Porgeran villagers. They were part of the 877 strongPorgeran component of the mine workforce of some 2100. However, a morestructured methodology using questionnaire survey was deemedinappropriate because a significant number of manual workers weresemi-literate and there was a real possibility that they wouldmisunderstand mis��un��der��stand?tr.v. mis��un��der��stood , mis��un��der��stand��ing, mis��un��der��standsTo understand incorrectly; misinterpret. the questionnaire. Also an attempt by another researcherto circulat e questionnaires to workers about local attitudes to workand reward in the mine was a failure when the majority of the potentialinterviewees did not cooperate with the researcher. Questions were asked on Porgeran perceptions and attitudes tomining employment, work performance, other workers and trade unionism.In tandem Adv. 1. in tandem - one behind the other; "ride tandem on a bicycle built for two"; "riding horses down the path in tandem"tandem for a balanced account of the Porgeran workers, interviewswere also held with non-Porgeran workers and senior expatriatesupervisors to find out about their view of Porgeran workers'behaviour at the mine. Some of the ethnographic eth��nog��ra��phy?n.The branch of anthropology that deals with the scientific description of specific human cultures.eth��nog material is synthesisedand some directly quoted. The author's aim is to indicate somethingof the rich tapestry of attitudes and perception as a tribal society istransformed into a mining workforce. For the Porgerans, the advent of wage labour brought about bymining seems to have partly supplanted subsistence forms of labour. Thetestimonies tell how committed they are to maximising the opportunitiespresented by the Porgera mine and, therefore to their jobs as thevehicle to enhance personal expectations and material possession. On theother hand their ambivalence to mining employment is evident in theclass context of both rentier ren��tier?n.A person who lives on income from property or investments.[French, from rente, yearly income, from Old French; see rent1. and workers. In the former capacity theyare delicately conscious of their tribal ownership of the land on whichthe mine operates and in the latter they are also workers like the rest.As will be seen the double class situation in which the Porgeransoperate sometimes puts them in a very awkward position where theirinterests are not identical with the rest of the workforce. However while views on employment varied amongst many Porgeranworkers interviewed, one thing was certain: they all wanted to continueto supply their labour to the mine. All of them want to remain asworking class. Nevertheless Porgerans' opinions on the mine arealso influenced by their personal situation -- their rentier position,their associated material accumulation or their educationalachievements. For the convenience of this paper the various responsescan be examined under three broad but different worker categories:'grassroot' Porgerans, 'bisnisman' and'saviman'. Grassroot Porgerans Grassroot Porgerans, as they like to call themselves, distinguishthemselves from the privileged businessmen and educated Porgerans. Thereare about seventy of them (see Table 3), mainly illiterate workers, whohappen to be employed on the mine, primarily because of theirdemonstrations of eagerness and Porgeran origin. Many of them hail fromthe vicinity of the mining lease and the status as owners was sufficientto gain them a job in the mine. Because they did not possess any highstandard of administrative and technical knowledge and skills they wereseen as mere 'opportunists' in the workforce. They representeda large portion of the Porgeran share of the mine's workforce, andoccupied most of the cleaning, security and general labouring jobs. Theyviewed employment as the single most important avenue which has openedup social and economic opportunities they never dreamt of fulfilling intheir lifetime. The grassroot Porgerans particularly liked their jobsand wages and the impact it was having, especial es��pe��cial?adj.1. Of special importance or significance; exceptional: an occasion of especial joy.2. ly on their socialstatus in the villages. In fact, fifteen of them were over fifty yearsold and part of the emerging 'Ipili elite' (in both Porgeraand Paiela areas) whose wages only went to supplement the big royaltyand compensation payments they were receiving annually from the company,as a result of mining activity on their land. Some of them did nothesitate to boast about their newly acquired economic assets and socialstatus. 'Look at us', said one of the two elderly men to theauthor, 'we are the Ipili "big men"; we now have threewives each, three vehicles and two trade stores; all because ofPJV'. 'Several years ago', joined the other, 'wewere just men (alluding to them having one wife each) but, now (withadded emphasis) see what a big difference that 'rock'(pointing to the open-cut mine) is making to our lives' (Interview,21/12/95). There were similar positive views echoed about the social andeconomic changes that were occurring in and around Porgera by mainlygrassroot Porgerans. They were at times very quick to credit thosedevelopments and their scale and rapidity to the presence of the mine. All this is rather surprising for a group of tribesmen who haveonly been involved in wage employment for a matter of a decade. 'Wewant to keep working', said a Porgeran young man, 'until theores are exhausted and they shut the mine'. Although they have notbecome generally committed workers in the strictest sense, whereone's livelihood is dependent on the job and therefore one becomesa permanent member of an urban or industrial workforce (Kerr et al.1960), they did show a strong desire to work for the mine for manyyears. This is in some contrast to views of other similar groups ofworkers in PNG. For example, in a study of urbanisation in Bougainville,Bedford and Mamak (1976a:125) found that a large proportion of theilliterate Bougainvillean workers in the Panguna copper mine and otherurban centres on the island, expressed the lowest degree of commitmentto work. They considered their involvement in wage employment to beperipheral, while attending to cash cropping and entrepreneurialactivity in t he rural areas to be of primary importance. A similar viewwas held amongst a majority of migrant Highlands workers in Port Moresby Port Moresby(môrz`bē), town (1990 pop. 193,242), capital of Papua New Guinea, on New Guinea island and on the Gulf of Papua. Rubber, gold, and copra are exported. Port Moresby was founded by Capt. John Moresby, who landed there in 1873. who saw themselves as 'temporary target aimers' on skills andresources for eventual utilisation of them back in the villages(Strathern 1975:14). There seems to be a slight difference between thegrassroot Porgeran mining workers and those who have the view of the'semi-committed' urban workforce. The grassroot Porgerans havevery few other avenues to earn cash and they are unlike the EasternHighlanders (Finney 1988) and Tolais (Salisbury 1966) who werefrequently unwilling to work on local plantations because of manyentrepreneurial opportunities in their villages. Another factorresponsible for grassroot Porgerans' commitment to industrial workwould be the high wage paid by the mine and the fact that theirconvenient location within the vicinity of the mine enables them torotate freely between two phases of lifestyle. But for the uncommittedworkers studied elsewhere in PNG geographical isolation Geographic isolation, or allopatry, is a term used in the study of evolution. When part of a population of a species becomes geographically isolated from the remainder, it may over time evolve characteristics different from the parent population (due to natural selection). from their placeof origin made their wage employment temporary and they had littleintention of becoming a permanent part of an alienated urban workforce.[6] As with all workers in PNG, neither the Porgerans nor the'semi-committed' workers are willing to easily abandon theirvillage based identity. Although the grassroot Porgerans may seem to be part of thecountry's emerging national workforce, because of their skilldeficiencies and entrenched en��trench? also in��trenchv. en��trenched, en��trench��ing, en��trench��esv.tr.1. To provide with a trench, especially for the purpose of fortifying or defending.2. tribal life, they did not see themselvesgetting another job after their mine shut down. Many of them rightfullythought of remaining in the village and continuing with their dailylife. As was observed their engagement in employment was largely becauseof a quickly developed desire for modern consumables which only moneycould buy, a phenomenon experienced by other PNG workers in workplacesaround the country. Bedford and Mamak's (1976b) study of workers invarious PNG towns and Imbun's (1995) study of a group of Enganworkers in Bougainville mine unanimously agree that the unending supplyof imported consumer items (such as radios, TV sets, cars and others)and the pressures applied by relatives and tribesmen to share theirearnings were some of the reasons motivating them to continue with theirwage employment. The accumulation of such modern material wealth hashelped pave the way for many grassroot Porgerans to enhance their statusto 'bigmen' positions and therefore have influence in theirvillages. Bisnisman Porgerans The next group claimed to have an interest in both wage employmentand their own economic pursuits, particularly small-scale businessenterprises. Also part of the Porgeran working class this was a verysmall but significant group. The thirty workers interviewed werebisnisman Porgerans and found in all classes of occupation, from theunskilled to those employed in senior positions in the mine (see Table3). They were easily observable in their taste for luxury items likefour wheel drive landcruisers, pick-up trucks and ownership of recentlybuilt corrugated cor��ru��gate?v. cor��ru��gat��ed, cor��ru��gat��ing, cor��ru��gatesv.tr.To shape into folds or parallel and alternating ridges and grooves.v.intr. roofed houses which were more visible in the villages.Further, they were likely to get preferential treatment from PJV ingetting new spin-off contracts and management assistance. Drawn mainlyfrom the immediate village surroundings of the mine and Porgera town,their income from the mine was supplemented with money derived throughparticipation in other economic ventures. Their businesses ranged fromrunning trade stores, workshops and petrol stations, to operating busservices and raising chickens. These were operated mostly by theirimmediate relatives. But the most profitable enterprises were thosecontracted to the Porgera mine whose needs were diverse includingconstruction, transportation, laundering, catering, cleaning andsecurity. Although when asked why the bisnisman Porgerans were still workingfor PJV as they could spend that time running their own businesses, someof them responded aptly that leaving the mining job was suicidal totheir newly acquired economic and social well being. 'How could wedare to cut the umbilical cord umbilical cord(ŭmbĭl`ĭkəl), cordlike structure about 22 in. (56 cm) long in the pregnant human female, extending from the abdominal wall of the fetus to the placenta. that feeds us', said a landownerPorgeran businessman and PJV employee abruptly. Another two said thatattached to their jobs was a sense of pride and 'ownership' ofthe mine rather than allowing strangers (non-Porgerans) to takeadvantage of their absence (Interview, 15/12/95). The enterprisingPorgeran workers had a commitment to work, and they also saw theirmining job as an economic and social security that they should protectin order to maintain their newly acquired status in the community. Apartfrom that the strong attachment to their jobs was also explained by thevery mixed performances of their business which mostly wereunprofitable. The life span for most Porgeran businesses was not morethan fo ur years, as a result of a myriad of factors including lavishspending on personal items, bride price bride price:see marriage. , compensations payments totribal fight victims, election expenses and poor management (Banks,1994, 1996). It was therefore wise for most of the bisnisman Porgeransto see their future in their continued working for the mine. Saviman Porgerans The third group consisted of better-educated Porgerans whose viewson employment and general outlook of life were more divorced from thegrassroot and bisnisman Porgerans. They formed the Porgeran middle classand their perceptions and attitudes differed markedly from the rest ofthe Porgeran population. As a result of their educational attainmentsand employment as accountants, engineers, and geologists in the mine,they often attracted the tag 'saviman' ('knowledge'man) Porgerans, a reference average working and non-working Porgeransproudly greeted their tribesmen with. Imbun (1995:53) found that Enganuniversity and college graduates working for Panguna copper mine wereseen as 'elites' by the rest of the Engan workers and thegeneral population in Bougainville. In the Porgera case, although verysmall in number, (about twenty interviewed, see Table 3) the savimanPorgerans in their prime working age saw wage employment as the solesource of a cash income. Bedford and Mamak (1976a:18) described someBoug ainvillean wage earners as embracing a similar 'proletarianstrategy'. But unlike their counterpart bisnisman, the middle classPorgerans had very little intention of investing their earnings invillage economic activities. In fact, a few of them have previouslyattempted some sort of a business enterprise in their respectivevillages. But as one remarked 'it wasn't worth it'because, (apart from the cited obvious reasons), the constant unduepressures from relatives for assistance and handouts were too much of an'obligation' to bear (Interview, 13/12/95). In their miningwork they wanted job stability, but also desired mobility in their jobsso that they could go and work in other PNG mines. But the desire tobelong to the country's already emerging workforce was evident whenthey talked of sending their children to the best schools in the countryso that they could end up like them. As can be seen from the data in Table 3, the percentage of savimanPorgerans is 10% of 1996 total mine workforce of 2, 100. In fact,overall Porgerans had some 877 jobs (see Table 2). It is anticipatedthat there would be a steady increase in the saviman category of thePorgeran workforce when apprentice, college and university graduates ofPorgeran origin join the mine workforce. It is also anticipated thatthere would be a gradual decline in the other two worker categories,particularly the grassroot worker category as semiskilled sem��i��skilled?adj.1. Possessing some skills but not enough to do specialized work: semiskilled dockworkers.2. Requiring limited skills: a semiskilled job. Porgeranswould lose their jobs due to rationalisation and other minerestructuring programs. While the saviman Porgerans had all the features of a modernworking middle class several of them had polygamous polygamousas a male or female, having more than one mate. marriages. They werecaught between 'traditional' status aspirations and those of anew elite. To them marrying more than one wife was one of the featureswhich cemented their elitist e��lit��ismor ����lit��ism ?n.1. The belief that certain persons or members of certain classes or groups deserve favored treatment by virtue of their perceived superiority, as in intellect, social status, or financial resources. position in the Porgeran community, whilethe possession of western education and skills also enhanced theiremployment opportunities in the emerging modern society. Despite thechallenges and expectations both lifestyles brought, the middle classPorgerans zealously zeal��ous?adj.Filled with or motivated by zeal; fervent.zealous��ly adv.zeal consolidated and guarded their positions, which theysaw as a mark of the new elite. Like the rest of the Porgeran views on mining work, the savimanPorgerans wanted to stay in the jobs as long as the mine lasted. Theynumbered just under 100 and for a population, which had a loweducational level at the start of the mine construction, it was asignificant achievement. But as any modern middle class workers wouldhave, their commitment to work also had an inherent fear of losing theirjobs due to the mine's restructuring and cost-cutting measures.Some who have undertaken on-the-job training complained of a lack ofcomprehensive training that would make them re-employable when their jobdisappeared (Imbun 1998). However, it seems a justified concern, coupledwith the ethnic, wantok based exclusion rife in PNG (just as people tryand exclude others from their mine, so they too can be excluded) and thecountry's general experience of the instability of the cash economyand of world market price fluctuation. On the other hand, there werelabour market opportunities not only in mining but also i n petroleumprojects and in other sectors of the economy. People with some sort oftechnical skills and experience were able to look for jobs despite the'imposed' and inevitable obstacles. PORGERAN RELECTIONS ON THE IMPACT OF THE MINE Despite some of the positive impact the mine has brought, mostPorgerans in one way or another have complained of social and otherupheavals that they have witnessed. They reflected on the adverse impactof the mine, in producing inequalities in a formally egalitarian Ipilisociety and attracting a lot of visitors, mostly strangers from far andwide who came to try their 'luck,' either looking for jobopportunities or selling betel nuts and other goods to the Porgera townresidents and villagers. The uncontrolled movements of these strangersand the development of a group of restless young Porgerans have led toan increasing rate of sexually transmitted diseases Sexually transmitted diseasesInfections that are acquired and transmitted by sexual contact. Although virtually any infection may be transmitted during intimate contact, the term sexually transmitted disease is restricted to conditions that are largely , family breakdowns,tribal fights and general break down in law and order in and aroundPorgera. Not confined to Porgerans, for communities where mining islocated in PNG, this has become a bitter experience. In Ok Tedi, asHyndman (1987:30) points out the Wopkaimin people complained ofinequalities, social upheavals involving heavy beer drinking, fig htingand adultery which were threatening what seemed to be their onceegalitarian and peaceful lives. Similarly the Nasioi people aroundPanguna copper mine were concerned that they were having a 'growingdependence on money and the commercial system' which was makingthem less self reliant (Connell 1991:59). In the case of the Porgerans, they too have not been well preparedfor the impact mining was going to have on their lives. Apart from theusual social and economic impacts generated by the mine, their mostimmediate worry was that the undue pressures and responsibilities oflocal expectations had become just too much to handle. The pressure toengage in polygamous marriage, buy four-wheel drive trucks, build tradestores and permanent houses, and run for political offices were part ofthe emergence of a new Ipili 'big man' brought about by themassive and sudden influx of wealth from the Porgera mine. A 'big man' system, built around the accumulation ofwealth through polygamy polygamy:see marriage. polygamyMarriage to more than one spouse at a time. Although the term may also refer to polyandry (marriage to more than one man), it is often used as a synonym for polygyny (marriage to more than one woman), which appears , extensive network of trading partners, andpersonal charisma has not been a feature of Ipili society untilrecently. Recently elevated grassroot, bisnisman and saviman Porgeranbig men were anxious about the obligatory challenges they had to fulfilfrom time to time. Their inability to control their wives was a notableadmission a few of them expressed (sometimes) with a sense of humour Noun 1. sense of humour - the trait of appreciating (and being able to express) the humorous; "she didn't appreciate my humor"; "you can't survive in the army without a sense of humor"sense of humor, humor, humour .'My big son' (who has his own three wives) called me a'half-man', said a fifty-five year old grassroot Porgeran,'because I can not manage my (two) wives'. Despite the hugeresponsibilities, there was always a perceived pressure to become a'big man' amongst the many Porgeran mining workers.Particularly, most saviman Porgerans saw their jobs as a stepping stoneto consolidation of that status. PORGERAN RELATIONS WITH OTHER WORKERS Although the Porgerans were eager to be part of the mine'sworkforce, their workplace behaviour and performance were often neitherimpressive nor acceptable to the mainly expatriate line management andother national workers. This became obvious as soon as they were drawninto the mine's workforce. It was during the construction and earlyperiod of the mine's operation that the general work performance ofPorgeran workers began to be marred by a series of covert problemsranging from absenteeism, displaying of 'peculiar' workbehaviours to high labour turnovers. Constant complaints from contractorforemen and managers on Porgeran work performance referred to poorpunctuality, absenteeism and low productivity. Not used to keeping pacewith the workforce, some Porgerans went home early when their meagre mea��geralso mea��gre ?adj.1. Deficient in quantity, fullness, or extent; scanty.2. Deficient in richness, fertility, or vigor; feeble: the meager soil of an eroded plain.3. diet could not sustain them for the tedious and long hours (Expatriateforeman, interview, 11/6/1995). What seemed to be the Porgeranworkers' odd behaviour often led to unfavourable perceptions andridicule fro m rest of the workforce. The company kept no comparativedata for non-Porgeran workers, but sporadic withdrawal from mining workand unwarranted absenteeism involving grassroot and bisnisman Porgeranswas serious (Imbun 1997). In my research two reasons for the erratic labour history ofPorgeran workers during the construction phase of the mine emergedclearly. First, easy money coming from huge compensation pay outs by PJVto mine lease landowners and other spin-off earnings encouraged a lot ofPorgerans in a half-hearted approach to mine work at the time (Banks,1993:15, 1996). Second, the contrast between the new mining workplaceand very different rhythms of village work arrangements generatedfrustrations and dissatisfaction on both sides. Porgerans beingunaccustomed to industrial work, and to the discipline and mores of themine, left their work when they wished, to the frustration of theirsupervisors. Their ability to stand a full day of heavy and tediousindustrial work was tested with their meagre diet of sweet potato sweet potato,trailing perennial plant (Ipomoea batatas) of the family Convolvulaceae (morning glory family), native to the New World tropics. Cultivated from ancient times by the Aztecs for its edible tubers, it was introduced into Europe in the 16th cent. andsome of them left work whenever they felt hungry (Interview, 6/11/95).But as the mine settled down, the accommodation to the new workplace andarrangements was evidenced by a significant drop in absen tee rates forPorgeran workers. The change resulted out of the evaporation evaporation,change of a liquid into vapor at any temperature below its boiling point. For example, water, when placed in a shallow open container exposed to air, gradually disappears, evaporating at a rate that depends on the amount of surface exposed, the humidity of otherpayments and the provision of a free heavy lunch for Porgeran workers byPJV. Additionally, the drop in rates of absenteeism by mainly grassrootPorgeran workers was also due to the fact that there was a decline inthe number of less skilled jobs (i.e. security guards, gate keepers Gate Keepers (ゲートキーパーズ, etc.) as the mine went from construction to operation. Althoughdifferences in absenteeism still remain among mainly grassroot andbisnisman Porgerans and other workers, it is not as marked as in themine's construction period. There have been several cases of a conflict of attitudes toemployment at Porgera mine. A promising young Porgeran with just sixmonths to go in his diamond drilling Diamond Drilling is a highly specialized industry used for mineral exploration around the world. Most commonly using wireline and core bits with diamond encrusted matrix. To drill holes to max depths of twelve thousand feet, for the recovery of core used in verifying mineral apprenticeship scheme left the mineagainst his supervisor's advice and eloped with a woman to PortMoresby to sell buai (betel nuts). Similarly, another Porgeran gave uphis well paid job in the community relations 1. The relationship between military and civilian communities.2. Those public affairs programs that address issues of interest to the general public, business, academia, veterans, Service organizations, military-related associations, and other non-news media entities. section of the mine tobecome a driver of a bus carrying fee-paying passengers to Mt Hagenreturn, which he saw as more appealing and mobile than the'static' and stressful job he found himself in. There wereother similar cases of Porgerans leaving good jobs for an apparentlyinferior one for no obvious reason to an outsider. A local kin and exchanged-based culture has also had an effect onPorgera work practices . Not used to working under a managerial systemof worker-employer relationships grassroot Porgerans especially had atendency to think of work as belonging to those who had immediateauthority over them and not the mining company. The formalisation Noun 1. formalisation - the act of making formal (as by stating formal rules governing classes of expressions)formalizationsystematisation, systematization, rationalisation, rationalization - systematic organization; the act of organizing something andhierarchization of authority in the hands of layers of management andthe routinisation of work was both complex and in conflict with Porgeranvalues. For example, an Australian foreman in the warehouse and suppliessection of the mine told the author that Porgerans' andothers' productivity at the workplace was mediocre when hisrelationship to them remained at a formal level which allowed him littleinterest in them personally apart from their work credentials. But afterworking in the mine for some three years it became evident that everyonewas punctual punc��tu��al?adj.1. Acting or arriving exactly at the time appointed; prompt.2. Paid or accomplished at or by the appointed time.3. Precise; exact.4. and worked hard when he showed an interest in theirdomestic problems and began to know each worker on a personal le vel. Hesaid the Porgerans and some nationals were comfortable in taking theirdomestic problems to him and he had to be seen to accommodate theirpleas for an extra day off, or other requests in order to build andmaintain a 'conducive' work environment. Another expatriate,who was a supervisor in the underground section of the gold mine,mentioned that supervision of workers was through direct control bysupervisors and foreman. Both his and accounts from other supervisorssuggested that maintaining direct control was often in conflict with theflexible and 'casual' approach preferred by workers. Hementioned another supervisor who was arrogant and acted in a formal andsometimes bossy bossy1. in dog conformation, used to describe overdevelopment of the shoulder muscles.2. vernacular pet name for a cow. way in overseeing workers. This supervisor came torealise that some of the workers deliberately slowed down in their workas a way of getting even with him because he was seen as a 'badboss'. It was common for frictions to develop between supervisorsand workers which one of them termed 'unpleasant encounters',while some d eveloped into industrial disputes with a section of workerscalling for the removal of 'bad' supervisors and managers(Interviews, 12/12/95; Hess and Gissua 1992). To PJV, it became obvious that performance of most grassroot andbisnisman Porgeran and some Engan workers varied according to according toprep.1. As stated or indicated by; on the authority of: according to historians.2. In keeping with: according to instructions.3. the'appeal' and temperament of their supervisors. Hence, thesenior management in meetings advised the managers, supervisors andleading hands to acknowledge this fact and maintain a less rigid way ofcontrolling and overseeing the workers. Also these experiences motivatedPJV to maintain a cautious and selective approach in its appointment ofsupervisors, particularly expatriates, encouraging them to be flexibleand personally involved when it came to dealing with first timeindustrial workers (Imbun and Morris 1995). However, the 'learn-to-work' problem has not only beenfor expatriate management and Porgeran workers to handle but has alsobeen an issue in relationships amongst the diverse Papua New Guineanworkforce. Below the level of nationality, PNG is one of the mostheterogeneous societies in the world and every individual worker atPorgera and other mines displays some kind of behaviour that reflectstheir cultural and regional origins. At every workplace includingplantations and factories , national supervisors and crew leaders had tostruggle at first to stamp their authority on their crews. Lawrence(1964) found many first-time plantation workers only felt comfortableworking with and within their own ethnic or regional groups than under a'strange' crew leader with whom they had very little incommon. Colonial planters characteristically had their crews organisedaround those groupings. This 'wantok' orientation has also hadits effect on mining workplaces, posing problems for nationalsupervisors and crew le aders. In the case of Porgera, particularlyduring the construction period of the project, keeping Porgeran workersunder non-Porgeran workers' control became a nightmare as theydeserted their crew and joined a leader they knew to be of Porgeranorigin. Used to working with a small team of tribal members inindependent local communities, some of the grassroot Porgeran workerswere said to be more comfortable working with someone they knew ratherthan a 'stranger'. They often accorded kinship terms to thecrew leaders, despite having no direct relationship or even if they werefrom another part of the Enga province. They would say, 'we areworking with our father/brother or brother-in-law', rather than'under' their leadership that often implied. Or as they sawit, the leader was part of the group rather than its head, and hisstatus was accepted but not his power to direct others. This 'selective' attitude was not confined to thePorgerans. The Ok Tedi manual mine workforce in general separated into acollection of regional groups, where individual workers preferred toseek advice and guidance from wantok (one dialect speaking or tribesman)crew leaders from the same region or origin rather than from theirdesignated ones. Telefomin and Ningerum people of OK Tedi region wereknown to be more comfortable working with workers from the Papua andSepik region and would make excuses to avoid supervisors and foremen whowere Highlanders who they claimed to be too 'aggressive' towork with. They would go to their own wantok crew leaders andsupervisors for advice and counselling but in instances where wantokwere not found, expatriate superintendents were sought. Lack ofconfidence in crew leadership coupled with on-going interpersonalclashes between blue-collar workers in OK Tedi often spilled over on tothe social life of the mining town itself where social activities werepursued on regi onal lines (Imbun, 1992). Evidence of actual work performance of the Porgerans employed byPJV is limited. Company records are not publicly available. The authorconducted interviews with mostly expatriate supervisors and non-Porgeranworkers in which Porgerans were discussed. Both non-Porgeran andexpatriate workers had some specific perceptions of Porgerans, as adistinct ethnic group, at the mine. Most expatriates admired the workingperformance of their Porgeran workers. They talked of their (Porgeranworkers') ability to learn and advance to some demanding positionswithin a relatively short period of time. It was generally agreed thatthey admired the ability and skill in doing jobs which were equal tothat of non-Porgeran workers. 'It is amazing a��maze?v. a��mazed, a��maz��ing, a��maz��esv.tr.1. To affect with great wonder; astonish. See Synonyms at surprise.2. Obsolete To bewilder; perplex.v.intr. how they have caughtup with the whole concept of work', remarked an Australianunderground mine supervisor, 'in so short a period of time'.But at the same time they were quick to also mention reservations,especially about their conduct at the mine. Another Australiansupervisor ment ioned there was no doubt of the Porgeran workers'ability and tenacity to learn and work but it was the somewhat arrogantand pompous pom��pous?adj.1. Characterized by excessive self-esteem or exaggerated dignity; pretentious: pompous officials who enjoy giving orders.2. behaviour they manifested at the mine which was sometimesdistressing (Interview 8/11/95). What that supervisor referred to was'a series of unprecedented and random' verbal and physicalconfrontations Porgerans had with their colleagues at the workplace. Theincidents sometimes occurred out of misunderstanding of basicinstructions or because Porgeran workers were sensitive to any direct orimplied negative remarks, which they saw as lowering their personalstatus and denigrating den��i��grate?tr.v. den��i��grat��ed, den��i��grat��ing, den��i��grates1. To attack the character or reputation of; speak ill of; defame.2. the abilities of Porgerans in general. In oneincident at the time of the author's research, a beefy beefy, beefyness1. in dog conformation, used to describe overdevelopment of musculature in the hindquarters.2. in cattle, used to designate the desirable physical conformation of a beef animal, but an undesirable character in dairy cattle. and stocky stock��y?adj. stock��i��er, stock��i��est1. Solidly built; sturdy.2. Chubby; plump.stocki��ly adv. Porgeran physically assaulted several workers in the mine's lightvehicle workshop after one of them humiliated hu��mil��i��ate?tr.v. hu��mil��i��at��ed, hu��mil��i��at��ing, hu��mil��i��atesTo lower the pride, dignity, or self-respect of. See Synonyms at degrade. him for passing on thewrong tool. The Porgeran, himself an apprentice, yelled at the stunned stun?tr.v. stunned, stun��ning, stuns1. To daze or render senseless, by or as if by a blow.2. To overwhelm or daze with a loud noise.3. five non-Porgeran mechanics that 'you are here at the mercy of PJV,but I am a Porgera n, you know that, the 'owner' of this mine(with emphasis). So do not look down on us because we can not think andwork like you are doing. It's not as hard as you people want us tobelieve because we will do everything very soon' (Interview,13/12/96). This was not an isolated incident, because there were manysimilar confrontations between Porgerans and non-Porgeran workers,including expatriate trainers. When such incidents happened thePorgerans would always claim the mine was 'theirs' and'visitors' should always respect them and PJV. In contrast to the expatriate workers' views, non-Porgerans,including Engan workers' views on Porgerans were mostly negative.There was an overwhelming attitude among many non-Porgeran workers thatPorgerans were generally less efficient workers. A PJV section managersuggested that there appeared to be a growing anti-Porgeran sentimentamong some section of the mine workforce, partly because of reactionsagainst their preferential treatment by the company (Interview12/11/95). Some of the views of these workers reflected the educationaland work experience they had which many grassroot and bisnismanPorgerans lacked. 'We still regard them as backwards and that iswhy they can do only the basic jobs and us the far 'better'ones', a group of non-Porgeran boiler makers remarked.Additionally, there was a lot said about the general life style ofPorgeran people whose recent contact with development and change wasthrough the project. Some workers from Port Moresby, the country'scapital city, mentioned that Po rgerans had very 'limited'knowledge of money. 'As soon as they get it, they spend it on boozeand women, as if there is no tomorrow'. Those views were furthersupported by the Engan workers who saw a lot of money had been pouredinto the small population by the project but 'very little use of ithas been made' in terms of business and other investments. Twoworkers from Madang, a coastal town north west of Porgera, mentionedthat if it was not for the company's preferential recruitment andbusiness policies towards Porgerans, 'They would have had theslimmest hope of being in the mine's workforce' (Interview13/11/95). Ironically, these observations sounded like the 1950s kiapdiscourse about Papua New Guineans in general. Generally, Porgeran mining workers were cynical towardsnon-Porgerans, including Engans (with whom they had only formalinteraction at the workplace) but had special preferences and affectionfor only Paiela with whom they spoke two dialects of the Ipili languageand Tarn Tarn, department, FranceTarn(tärn), department (1990 pop. 343,400), S France, in Languedoc. Albi is the capital.Tarn, river, FranceTarn,river, c. tribesmen. The people of the Tarn Basin (in the neighbouringSouthern Highlands Province) speak the Huh language, and share some ofthe principles of social organisation Noun 1. social organisation - the people in a society considered as a system organized by a characteristic pattern of relationships; "the social organization of England and America is very different"; "sociologists have studied the changing structure of the family" and notions of common ancestrywhich serve to distinguish them and Porgerans from the Enga-speakingmajority of the Enga province. It is widely held amongst the Ipili andHuli speaking people that apart from sharing a common ancestry they alsoshared territories. Porgeran workers, therefore made sure that theirPaiela and Tari tribesmen were better treated by the PJV minemanagement. There were several instances of sacked Paiela and Tanworkers seeking assistance from the PLA so that they could bereinstated. This usually happened because the company sometimes had toconsul t PLA elders before dismissing not only a Porgeran employee butalso members of related Ipili speaking tribes. A mine foreman said,'Porgerans literally beg the line managers for reinstatement ReinstatementThe restoration of an insurance policy after it has lapsed for nonpayment of premiums. onevery occasion when one of their Paiela or Tari 'relatives'have been terminated' (Interview 13/11/95). Although suchunsolicited advice was not usually entertained, Porgeran workers wouldat least make sure their relationships with the Paiela and Tarn workerswere not jeopardised when they were aware of the troubles their fellowIpili tribesmen were in. However, the views of non-Porgerans and Porgerans on each otherwere shaped from observations rather than direct personal contactbetween the groups, apart from the workplace interactions. The variousgroups seldom socialised Adj. 1. socialised - under group or government control; "socialized ownership"; "socialized medicine"socializedliberal - tolerant of change; not bound by authoritarianism, orthodoxy, or tradition outside the workplace because of themine's policy that Porgerans commute to work from the villages.Mixed social games were organised by the company but they were notfrequent and personal contact was largely superficial, with seldom anydisplay of familiarity. Non-Porgeran workers only know of their Porgeranworkers at the workplace and see Porgeran villagers while taking bustrips to work from the residential camps which makes it hard for the twogroups to interact after working hours. Even while residing in theaccommodation camps the PJV management does not allow non-Porgeranworkers to visit Porgeran villagers and vice versa VICE VERSA. On the contrary; on opposite sides. . Also the mineoperates on a fly-in-fly-out basis where non-Porgerans leave the minequite often for a field break in their place. All this means that therew ere few chances for the stereotypic views held by both groups to bemodified by informal interaction. FROM TRIBAL TO INDUSTRIAL ORGANISATION Despite the Porgeran tribesmen's quick and generally smoothjourney into the world of mining work, their views on unionism have beenambivalent like their perceptions of employment. As occurred in Pangunacopper mine (Mamak and Ali 1979) and elsewhere in the country (Imbun,1998), workers who took some interest in union activities were welleducated and experienced. In Porgera mine the workers who had aninterest in union activities were mostly non-Porgerans, with only asmall number of saviman Porgerans, who comprised the middle class. Formost of the Porgerans, their attitude towards Porgera Mine and AlliedWorkers' Union (PMAWU, the mine's only union made up of mostlymanual workers), in general has been one of apathy. In fact, unionapathy was most severe amongst grassroot and bisnisman Porgerans incontrast to the saviman Porgerans, who joined the PMAWU, as they(saviman) sought employment with the mine. The former groups looked uponthe organisation and any industrial conflict as inconsistent with theiramicable am��i��ca��ble?adj.Characterized by or exhibiting friendliness or goodwill; friendly.[Middle English, from Late Latin am relationship with the mine. They thus regarded the organisationas an 'opposition group' to the mine management. The simplification by Porgerans, however, of a complex system ofemployment relations, in some ways was partly influenced by theexpatriate dominated management of the mine. They did a lot of'brainwashing' on the Porgeran segment of the mining workforcewhen PMAWU was doing its recruitment drives. It was therefore notsurprising to hear antiunion remarks from the Porgerans. As a grassrootPorgeran mine gatekeeper In an H.323 IP telephony or video environment, a gatekeeper is a device that manages domains and provides call control. It is used to translate user names into IP addresses, to authenticate users and to manage network resources. mentioned to the author, 'why should webelong to PMAWU, which always argues, with PJV on almosteverything'. Their position on unionism was also stronglyinfluenced by them being (apart from as workers) also the rentier of theland on which the mining was taking place. Therefore their reluctancewas intertwined with a fear of an unexpected closure of the mine due toa PMAWU industrial action which would 'reverse' their lives tothe one they had in the past. Such sentiment was obvious when the samegatekeeper said they do not want to ask for more from a company that hasbrought them to that stage ( in development). It is a fear based on someearlier PJV community awareness campaigns on some important areas of themine operations in which union activities were represented asdetrimental to the operation of the mine. It was therefore, notsurprising to see that most grassroot and binisman Porgerans were PJV'supporters' and saw most saviman tribesmen (who were membersof PMAWU) as 'traitors and back-stabbers' to their allegiancewith PJV (Interview 12/12/96). It was a class difference of whichgrassroot and bisnisman Porgerans were unconscious. As for the savimanPorgerans, belonging to a union and taking part in union activities wasintegral to their employment relationship with the mine. The company knew very well that the Porgerans and other people inthe local area saw the mine as a blessing and that its activities werewelcomed and it was determined to quash any worker organisation that wasgoing to alter thethinking of its local employees. The PJV also believed that it wasthe non-Porgeran workers who were interested in unionism and otheravenues, which would alter the Porgeran workers' impression of themine. Reinforced by the high regard for its activities by its localhosts, the management had paternalistic pa��ter��nal��ism?n.A policy or practice of treating or governing people in a fatherly manner, especially by providing for their needs without giving them rights or responsibilities. views on industrial relations industrial relationspl.n.Relations between the management of an industrial enterprise and its employees.industrial relationsNoun, plthe relations between management and workers matters in the mine workforce. The management suspended and evendismissed workers who were thought to be encouraging local Porgerans tojoin PMAWU. On the whole, PJV managed workers with very little unioninvolvement and the exclusive top expatriate management maintained thattheir approach to worker control was quite consistent with theprevailing social order of Papua New Guinean society. This wasdemonstrated in the workplace where each sectional manager took theimage of the industrial pater PATER. Father. A term used in making genealogical tables. in charge of the tribal workers. Thesectional managers discouraged unionisation and they were quitesuccessful with the white-collar employees as they have not yet joinedPMAWU or formed their own union. In the case of union activities stagedby PMAWU mainly grass-root and bisnisman Porgeran workers have beentaken as busters This is a list of Busters from the manga Beet the Vandel Buster. The Beet WarriorsBeetBeet is a young boy who has always desired to be the strongest Buster. He aspires to be like his heroes, the Zenon Warriors, who are known as the strongest of all Busters. and security guards whenever a dispute involved PMAWU.A recent well organised industrial dispute by the union was effectivelyput to a halt because most Porgeran and expatriate workers did the jobsof the strikers which eventually broke the strength of the strike (Imbunand Morris, 1995). Yet some of the saviman Porgerans of PMAWU have ironically becomemore of a handicap than an asset to the organisation. It is a familiarproblem experienced by unions in PNG where the presence of one largeethnic group of workers provides an awkward problem for union leaders inattempting to respond to the diversified demands of a heterogenous (spelling) heterogenous - It's spelled heterogeneous. workforce (Imbun, 1998). The little over 40 Porgerans who are members ofthe 1600 strong hold PMAWU, have become some of the most vocal members.On the other hand, their presence as an 'interest group' haschallenged the organisation to deal with their 'unique'demands. The dilemma of whether to prioritise the 'unique'needs of a section of members or ignore them and adhere to adhere toverb 1. follow, keep, maintain, respect, observe, be true, fulfil, obey, heed, keep to, abide by, be loyal, mind, be constant, be faithful2. its ownprimary role of attending to industrial issues of the entire membershiphas been an inherent problem for PMAWU. It has been experienced twicesince PMAWU's establishment in 1991. One case in 1992 involved thePorgeran members of the union wanting the organisation to support theirclaim th at all Porgeran mining workers be accommodated in companycamps. The union leaders, who were non-Porgerans however, refused tobring this issue to PJV, because it was well entrenched in the variousmine agreements that Porgeran workers had to commute to work from theirvillages, and it was therefore not an industrial issue. In turn thePorgerans threatened to withdraw their membership but after muchconsultation by the union executives they eventually gave up on thisissue. If the issue had been brought to the attention of the minemanagement and resolved then particularly the saviman Porgeran workerscould have been accommodated in the mine accommodation camps which theyenvied because of meals, free laundry and other privileged conditionsnon-Porgeran workers were getting. This is despite the fact that thegeneral Porgeran working population still preferred a continued villagebased life with a regular supply of money coming from mining work. Similarly, the next issue involved the majority of the Enganworkers, including the Porgeran workers, who wanted PJV to cease thefly-in-fly-out mode of commuter mine operation and instead put up apermanent mining town in Porgera. Although the rest of the workers fromother parts of PNG were at ease with the present arrangement, they hadto support the issue in a major 1994 strike because 'we wereoverwhelmingly threatened if we did not and we had to go with them'(Interview, 14/12/96). It seems Porgeran union members will continue toput pressure on PMAWU to take up some of their unique issues with otherindustrial issues. One saviman Porgeran union member said, 'it(PMAWU) is the major avenue where we can put all our worries be itpolitical, economic, or social to PJV' (Interview 15/12/96). Thisproblem became manifest in the PMAWU's 1993 award re-negotiationdispute when the union leadership which was ably occupied by Porgeransand Engans, incessantly advocated the permanent mining town issue, whichhad wide political and economic implications for the entire Engaprovince. This only complicated the negotiation of the narrower but morestrictly industrial union agendas felt by many members to be morepressing. CONCLUSION Multi-national mining companies have provided a unique source ofwealth and employment opportunities for tribal people in Papua NewGuinea who would otherwise have remained subsistence agriculturalist onthe margins of the national economy. Despite a colonial history goingback to the 1930s the Porgeran tribesmen have only recently experiencedrapid social and economic changes following the establishment of thePorgera gold mine. Porgerans eagerly embraced the possibilitiespresented by this development, in the forms of royalties, jobs andtraining, and they continue to do so. In the process Porgeran society has been transformed. Porgeranshave a strong sense of identity and common interest in the mine whichdistinguishes them from 'other' nationals. But the materialgoods and economic opportunities in which they are interested havereshaped the once egalitarian Ipili society and placed great pressure onthem to succeed as 'big men'. Grassroots, Bisnisman andSaviman Porgerans also do have different relationships to the mine. Inparticular the conflicts between management and union can also dividePorgerans against each other. While the Porgeran case may exemplify a group of opportunist op��por��tun��ist?n.One who takes advantage of any opportunity to achieve an end, often with no regard for principles or consequences.op tribesmen endeavouring to maximise the economic opportunities presentedby the gold mine, they have also demonstrated their commitment to themine in the way that they have become an integral part of themine's workforce. From the management point of view Porgeransdisplayed much of the erratic behaviour and performance that would be'normal' for a newly trained 'green' workforce. Fromthe Porgeran's point of view they had to become part of anindustrial routine, accept the orders of others and cope with thesuspicions and insults of people they regard as outsiders on their land.Nevertheless they have learned to work. They have consolidated theirposition as manual labourers and their bisnisman and saviman have becomepart of the skilled and management workforce in the mine. The increasingimportance of consumer goods in the lives of Porgerans partly explainsthis enthusiasm. But as important is the fact that Porgerans cancontinue to live on thei r land and with their kin at the same time asbeing part of this new workforce. On the one hand, then, Porgeransappear to be an opportunistic and ambivalent workforce whose maininterests continue to lie in local village society. On the other handthey have been persistent in their enthusiasm for working in the mineand many may be on the verge On the Verge (or The Geography of Yearning) is a play written by Eric Overmyer. It makes extensive use of esoteric language and pop culture references from the late nineteenth century to 1955. of becoming part of the formal economy.Further research on 'tribal' workers in the PNG miningindustry is warranted and needed before one can assess the significanceof the Porgera case. What is required is a comparative study of miningworkforces and places in PNG. Included in such studies should be theformal system of worker induction or other forms of workplace'initiation' as management prepares to incorporate workerstotally unfamiliar with mining or industrial work. As important is astudy of the 'green' workforce's attitudes to work, theirperceptions of management and the ways in which managers and expatriateworkers negotiate their relationship with these g reen workers. Suchstudies would provide an empirical basis for thinking about the realnature of work and workplaces in PNG. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work benefited lately from a research grant from theUniversity of PNG (UPNG UPNG University of Papua New Guinea ) that was used in winding up the fieldworkcomponent. The write-up benefited a lot from insightful remarks fromP.A. McGavin from the University of New South Wales The University of New South Wales, also known as UNSW or colloquially as New South, is a university situated in Kensington, a suburb in Sydney, New South Wales, Australia. , Defence ForceAcademy, Canberra. The editor and an anonymous referee provided inputand criticism and many of their ideas are now found in this paper. I amalso thankful to them. Interpretations are my own. NOTES (1.) This paper resulted from several research fieldtrips to thePorgera gold mine (between the periods of 1994-1997) as part of theauthor's doctorate studies on employment relations aspects of themine and its workers, while he was with the University of WesternSydney HistoryIn 1987 the New South Wales Labor government decided to name the planned new university in Sydney's western suburbs Chifley University. When, in 1989, a new Liberal government renamed it the University of Western Sydney, controversy broke out. , Nepean. (2.) This paper uses 'tribesmen' as a generic concept toalso include Porgeran women mining workers, many of whom did domesticchores around campsites. However, they represented only a very tinyportion of the Porgeran segment of the entire mining workforce. (3.) Bougainville mine ceased production in 1989 after a series ofcivil disturbances against the Australian company's activities bydisgruntled dis��grun��tle?tr.v. dis��grun��tled, dis��grun��tling, dis��grun��tlesTo make discontented.[dis- + gruntle, to grumble (from Middle English gruntelen; see landowners over insufficient benefits from the project.Subsequently the issue took a new twist when the whole island wanted tosecede se��cede?intr.v. se��ced��ed, se��ced��ing, se��cedesTo withdraw formally from membership in an organization, association, or alliance.[Latin s from PNG. The secession issue is now a stumbling block to seeingnormalcy return to the island and still remains largely unresolvedbetween Bougainvilleans and the PNG government. (4.) Mostly the anthropological literature on PNG mining documentseither general social-economic changes accompanied by the inevitableresponses of social and ethnic protests (for example see, Hyndman, 1987;Filer, 1990 and Imbun, 1995) or is applied in nature, describing impactsthe projects have generated on the people and surrounding physicalenvironment (see, Bedford and Mamak 1976a, 1976b; Young 1987 andGerritsen and Macintyre 1986). (5.) PJV paid out over 20 million kina during and after theconstruction period to mine lease landowners. The circulation of thismoney plus spin-offs from the mine had an enormous impact on the oncebackwater district. (6.) 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Port Moresby and Canberra,Australian National University. TONKIN, J.E. 1966. Aborigines in the Mining Industry -- anIndustrialists Viewpoint. In I. G. Sharp and C. M. Tatz (eds.).Aborigines in the Economy, Melbourne: Jacaranda Press pp.23-30. WOHLT, P. 1986. Subsistence systems of Enga Province. Department ofEnga, Division of Primary Industry, Subsistence Unit, Technical BulletinNo. 2. YOUNG, M.W. 1987. Wapolu Gold Mining Project: A Socio-EconomicImpact Study, Canberra: Anutech Pty. Construction workforce employment by origin in 1989-1990Origin 1989 1990 PJV [*] Con'tor Total (%) PJV Con'tor Total (%)Porgerans 400 260 660 (32) 302 299 601 (30)Engans 350 345 695 (34) 319 416 735 (36)Nationals 150 200 350 (17) 106 380 486 (24)Expatriates 253 100 353 (17) 113 97 210 (10)Total 1153 905 2058 (100) 840 1192 2032 (100)Source: PJV Quarterly Reports for 1989 and 1990(*.)PJV'S construction workforce was actually the operation workforce and,almost all were retained with a few lay offs. PJV Manpower for Operation by Origin from 1990-1996Origin Year 1990 '91 '92 '93 '94 '95 '96Porgerans 302 439 481 583 698 810 877Engans 319 236 294 332 318 287 260Nationals 106 282 402 466 540 620 665Expatriates 113 302 410 460 332 335 298Total employees 840 1259 1587 1841 1888 2052 2100 Source: PJV Quarterly Reports, 1990-96. Unfortunately numbers and percentages of Porgeran, other Engan, andother national workers at different levels of skills are not available.However, increasingly many Porgerans were skilled and occupied morewhite-colllar and challenging technical jobs. Porgerans particularlyoccupied middle management positions in the Community Relations Sectionof the mine which had a lot of dealings with the Porgeran localcommunity. The Engans and other nationals did mainly skilled jobs andexpatriates occupied positions mainly in the top management andtechnical areas of the mine. Size distribution of Porgerans between worker category, 1996Worker Porgerans % of Porgerans workerscategory (120 sample interviewees) of 2100 total mine workforceGrassroot 70 65Bisnisman 30 25Saviman 20 10Total 120 100Source: Author interview data, 1996