Monument 3 from La Blanca, Guatemala: a Middle Preclassic earthen sculpture and its ritual associations.

Monument 3 from La Blanca, Guatemala: a Middle Preclassic earthen sculpture and its ritual associations. Introduction Among the many artistic achievements of ancient Mesoamerica, noneis more notable than the long-standing sculptural tradition. AncientMesoamerican sculptors worked in a variety of media, including stone,wood, stucco and clay. Works of perishable materials are rarely foundarchaeologically, except in cases of extraordinary preservation, such asat Cerro Manati, Veracruz (Ortiz & Rodriguez 1999; 2000). During the 2004 season a remarkable sculpture was discovered at LaBlanca La Blanca is a pre-Columbian Mesoamerican archaeological site with an occupation dating predominately from the Middle Preclassic (1300-600 BC) period of Mesoamerican chronology, and at its peak was one of the largest known Mesoamerican sites of that era. , in Pacific Guatemala (Figure 1). Dating to the early MiddlePreclassic period (c. 900-400 BC), the work is notable in severalrespects. First, it is one of only a handful of earthen sculptures fromancient Mesoamerica, and the earliest known example. Second, it providesdramatic evidence of rituals associated with rulership in MiddlePreclassic Mesoamerica. Third, it is the earliest known example of thequatrefoil quat��re��foil?n.1. A representation of a flower with four petals or a leaf with four leaflets, especially in heraldry.2. Architecture Tracery or an ornament with four foils or lobes. motif in Mesoamerican art. Moreover, Monument 3 provides anopportunity to examine the validity of oppositions such aspublic/private, ritual/utilitarian and Great Tradition/Little Traditionin the archaeology of Mesoamerica and other regions. Physical characteristics of Monument 3 La Blanca Monument 3 (Figure 2) takes the form of a quatrefoil,clover-leaf or flower with four petals, which was created by sculptingcompacted earth, a process observed in other artefacts at the site. Oncecomplete, the monument was given a finishing coat Noun 1. finishing coat - the final coat of paintfinish coatcoat of paint - a layer of paint covering something else2. finishing coat of fine, dark (nearlyblack) clay, and the interior ring was painted red with hematite hematite(hĕm`ətīt), mineral, an oxide of iron, Fe2O3, containing about 70% metal, occurring in nature in red to reddish-brown earthy masses and in steel-gray to black crystalline forms. . [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The monument is 2.1 m in diameter and consists of five parts: tworings, a channel, the interior rim and a basin (Figure 3). Ring 1 wasoriginally a complete circle, 10cm wide; as discovered a small part ofthe south-eastern part of the outer ring was missing. Ring 2 is also acomplete circle, but with four points that incline toward the centre anddivide the monument into four parts. The channel, actually four separatechannels, lies between Ring 2 and the interior rim. The highest locationof each channel lies halfway between the points and the lowest locationsare at the extremes, where the channels join the basin. The inner rimconsists of four arcs that run between the points of Ring 2, forming theinterior sides of the channels. The centre of the monument is a slightlyconcave ConcaveProperty that a curve is below a straight line connecting two end points. If the curve falls above the straight line, it is called convex. basin approximately 10cm deep, measured from the top of theinner rim, with the centre 3-5cm deeper than the edges. [FIGURE 2 OMITTED] [FIGURE 3 OMITTED] The archaeological context In archaeology, not only the context (physical location) of a discovery is a significant fact, but the formation of the context is as well. An archaeological context is an event in time which has been preserved in the archaeological record. of La Blanca Monument 3 La Blanca (Figure 4) was one of the largest Middle Preclassic sitesof ancient Mesoamerica, arising as a regional centre in 900 BC andmaintaining its prominence for over 300 years. That 300-year period isdefined as the Conchas phase, which can be divided into four sub-phaseson the basis of stratigraphy stratigraphy,branch of geology specifically concerned with the arrangement of layered rocks (see stratification). Stratigraphy is based on the law of superposition, which states that in a normal sequence of rock layers the youngest is on top and the oldest on the and changes in pottery (Love 2002). Thesite covered over 200ha at its peak and boasted some of the earliestmonumental architecture in Mesoamerica. Mound 1, built c. 900 BC was oneof the first pyramidal temples in Mesoamerica, standing over 25m talland measuring 150 x 90m at its base (Love et al. 2005). [FIGURE 4 OMITTED] Monument 3 was found on the western slope of Mound 9, which is partof an elite residential precinct on a ridge east of Mound 1. BetweenMound 9 and Mound 1 lies a sunken plaza which measures approximately 40x 100m. Excavations conducted in Mound 9, designated as Operation 32(Figure 5), were undertaken as part of a study of household ritual andeconomy whose goal is to understand the economic and ideological changesthat took place during the expansion of social complexity. The domesticrefuse, burials and hearths found within Operation 32 indicate thatMound 9 represents the remains of an elite residence (Love et al. 2006).The ceramics from Operation 32 indicate that the monument was built andused during the Conchas C sub-phase, c. 800 BC. [FIGURE 5 OMITTED] The ceramic assemblage of Mound 9 is overwhelmingly MiddlePreclassic, with an admixture of Late Classic Plumbate pottery in theupper levels and a small amount of Early Preclassic pottery in asecondary context. The incidence of Alamo AlamoEighteenth-century mission in San Antonio, Texas, site of a historic siege of a small group of Texans by a Mexican army (1836) during the Texas war for independence from Mexico. ware, the principal cookingware of the Conchas phase, is 4.2 per cent for the Conchas C sub-phase,the strata above and below the monument. This percentage is comparableto that of other mounds at La Blanca thought to be domestic, suggestinga similar status for Mound 9. Ramirez wares, made from kaolin kaolin(kā`əlĭn): see china clay. clay andthought to be linked to elite status, comprise 1.4 per cent of thepottery rims. In other residences excavated to date, the mean forRamirez wares falls below 1 per cent. These data, along with othersdetailed below, indicate that Mound 9 is residential, but probablyoccupied by members of the elite. The non-pottery artefact See artifact. assemblage ofMound 9 also seems to be purely domestic. It includes high densities ofutilitarian groundstone artefacts and faunal remains. The density ofstone artefacts (approximately 19 artefacts per cubic metre Noun 1. cubic metre - a metric unit of volume or capacity equal to 1000 literscubic meter, kiloliter, kilolitremetric capacity unit - a capacity unit defined in metric terms of excavatedmatrix) is high, suggesting that grinding grain was a prominent task, asexpected of a domestic assemblage. The Conchas C sub-phase assemblage from Operation 32 (Mound 9)ranks first among excavated contexts at La Blanca in terms of thedensity of animal bone, obsidian and jade ornaments (Figure 6). Thedensity of animal bone suggests that food preparation and consumptionwere taking place at this locale, perhaps in greater frequency than inothers. The high density of bone may indicate feasting, but we mustawait the full analysis of both pottery and faunal remains beforeasserting that claim outright. The obsidian tools assemblage indicatesdomestic activities, with a high incidence of bi-polar manufacture,characteristic of residential assemblages at La Blanca. Mound 9 has ahigh overall density of obsidian compared to other mounds which may alsosignal high social status. We take the density of jade to be an indicator of household status.All residences at La Blanca have some jade, mostly as very small (under5mm) disc-shaped beads. There is a continuum of jade densities among LaBlanca households, making it one of the most useful categories ofartefact for scaling the socio-economic status of residences. Small jadebeads were probably a vital means of preserving household wealth byconverting perishable agricultural surplus into durable wealth. Thebeads, pendants and earspools would also have been an important means ofsocial display. Ritual paraphernalia of many types are found in householdassemblages at La Blanca, including hand-made ceramic figurines, smallceramic stands (perhaps used as portable altars) and incense burners. Ofthese, figurines are the most numerous, as at many other Preclassicsites (Cyphers 1993; Marcus 1998; Joyce 2003). Many interpret figurinesas artefacts used in domestic ritual, especially ancestor veneration(Cyphers 1993; Marcus 1998; 1999; Grove & Gillespie 2002). Joyce(2003), however, has proposed that figurines were used in additionalcontexts, especially in public areas adjacent to residential zones,where they were used to mark important milestones in the life-history ofindividuals, especially changes in age grades. [FIGURE 6 OMITTED] As shown in Figure 6, figurine density displays a gradient in whichOperation 32 (Mound 9) ranks highest among the domestic contextsanalysed to date. To determine what kind of rituals were carried out atMound 9, we analysed 1179 figurine fragments from Operation 32 andcompared the results to those of Arroyo (2002) from other contexts atthe site. Our results (Love & Guernsey 2006) indicate that althoughthere are some unique figurines found in Operation 32, the corpus isgenerally similar to those of other residences. For example, theproportions of human and animal figurines in Operation 32 compareclosely to other mounds at the site. The principal difference between the ritual assemblages of Mound 9and other residences is Monument 3 itself. To understand the monumentand the rituals associated with it, we turn to a consideration of theiconography of the quatrefoil, which is remarkably consistent throughoutMesoamerican prehistory prehistory,period of human evolution before writing was invented and records kept. The term was coined by Daniel Wilson in 1851. It is followed by protohistory, the period for which we have some records but must still rely largely on archaeological evidence to . The iconography of the quatrefoil in Mesoamerica The inclination of Ring 2, the presence of the channel and theconcavity con��cav��i��tyn.A hollow or depression that is curved like the inner surface of a sphere.concavity,n 1. the condition of being concave.n 2. of the basin all suggest that Monument 3 was meant to containliquid. Fluid introduced onto Ring 2 or into the channel would flow intothe centre of the basin. Marcus (1998; 1999) describes the use ofwater-filled basins in Preclassic-period Oaxaca, where they wereemployed in rites of divination divination,practice of foreseeing future events or obtaining secret knowledge through communication with divine sources and through omens, oracles, signs, and portents. . We propose a similar function for LaBlanca Monument 3 but, more specifically, that it was viewed as a portalto the underworld. Our interpretation is based on three observations.The first, already stated, is that the monument was meant to containwater, a substance frequently associated with the underworld inMesoamerica. Second, the high density of clay figurines found in themound is a hallmark of ritual activity. Third, the iconography of thequatrefoil in Mesoamerica suggests that quatrefoils were viewed asportals to the supernatural. The quatrefoil is an ancient and ubiquitous symbol in ancientMesoamerican iconography, tracing its roots back to Early PreclassicOlmec culture and persisting throughout the Classic period. Despite itsuse in geographically and culturally diverse regions, however, itappears to have retained a consistent association with expressions ofelite power, supernatural communication and watery realms. Itsappearance at a number of Preclassic sites confirms its significance asa symbol imbued with political and cosmological associations that becamepart of a repertoire of elite communication that paid little heed tocultural or linguistic boundaries. The quatrefoil does not appear in the known corpus of Mesoamericanart until the Middle Preclassic period. The symbol traces itsantecedents, however, to the themes of caves and animal mouths thatappear in the Early Preclassic. Caves were considered portals to theunderworld (cf. Heyden 1975; Joralemon 1976: 37-40) and during the Earlyand Middle Preclassic were often conceptualised as the open mouth of asupernatural animal. For example, Olmec thrones, or altars, frequentlydepict a male--probably a ruler--seated within the mouth of such acreature, most often a jaguar (Figure 7a). Such imagery placed theserulers within a supernatural context, alluding to their abilities tocommunicate with the otherworld oth��er��world?n.A world or existence beyond earthly reality.Noun 1. otherworld - an abstract spiritual world beyond earthly reality and the ancestors who dwelt dwelt?v.A past tense and a past participle of dwell. there. No known monumental sculpture in the Gulf Coast Lowlands depictsthe quatrefoil motif. However, the monuments of Chalcatzingo, Morelos,Mexico, which date to c. 700-500 BC (Grove 1999: 258), give clearexpression to the links between quatrefoils, animal mouths, caves andportals. Chalcatzingo Monument 9 (Figure 7b) depicts a frontal versionof a creature whose mouth is a hollow quatrefoil opening. Monument 9 wasfound within the central zone of the site, atop a large earthenplatform, Structure 4 (Grove 1999: 262). Monument 9 is large enough thatan individual could have crawled in and out of the open quatrefoil mouth(Grove 1984: 50; Angulo 1987: 141). The lower lip The lower lip covers the anterior body of the mandible.It is lowered by the Depressor labii inferioris muscle. See alsolip External linksx at eMedicine Dictionary shows wear, whichsuggests that someone--perhaps a ruler--passed through the portal duringperformances that were staged before audiences assembled within theprincipal precinct of the site. Chalcatzingo Monument 1 (Figure 7c) was carved onto the face of alarge boulder along the talus slope of Cerro Chalcatzingo, adjacent to adrainage that carries most of the rainwater runoff from the north-westslopes of the mountain (Grove & Angulo 1987: 115). The carvingdepicts an individual, perhaps a ruler (Reilly 1994: 261; Tate 1995:55), seated inside a C-shaped motif that represents one-half of aquatrefoil. The imagery may directly reference the rituals performed inconjunction with Monument 9 at the same site. The quatrefoil atChalcatzingo symbolises the mouth of a cave which was personified as anearth-monster with the addition of an eye, thereby creating an analogybetween the open quatrefoil and the mouth of the zoomorphic zo��o��mor��phism?n.1. Attribution of animal characteristics or qualities to a god.2. Use of animal forms in symbolism, literature, or graphic representation. creature(Grove & Angulo 1987: 115). [FIGURE 7 OMITTED] The imagery of Chalcatzingo Monument 1 is related to agriculturalfertility and the arrival of rain (Guzman 1934: 241-43; Grove 1968:487), evidenced by the rain-bearing clouds above the quatrefoil portalfrom which !-shaped droplets of rain fall, the mist scrolls that emanatefrom the mouth of the quatrefoil and the plants that grow from itsexterior corners (Grove 1968: 486; Grove & Angulo 1987:117). Theimplication is that rain arrives because the ruler entered thequatrefoil portal and communed with the supernatural realm, therebydemonstrating his abilities to maintain the continued well-being of hispeople and the agricultural abundance of his region (Reilly 1994:261;also see Chalcatzingo Monument 13 in Grove & Angulo 1987: 122). The association between rulership and the quatrefoil symbolpersisted into the ensuing Late Preclassic period. This is bestevidenced at Izapa, located approximately 35km from La Blanca, whichrose to prominence following the decline of La Blanca (Lowe et al. 1982;Love 1999: 137). Izapa Stela 8 (Figure 7d), which was located at thebase of the Mound 30 acropolis acropolis(əkrŏp`əlĭs)[Gr.,=high point of the city], elevated, fortified section of various ancient Greek cities.TheAcropolis of Athens, a hill c.260 ft (80 m) high, with a flat oval top c. in Group B, depicts a quatrefoil thatmarks the back of a zoomorphic creature. Like the Chalcatzingoquatrefoils, this one has also been personified by incorporating it intothe body of the zoomorph. Within the quatrefoil, as Norman (1976:105)and Taube (1998: 439) observed, an Izapa ruler sits on a throne whoseprofile reproduces that of a carved stone throne from the site, Throne1. When considered as a conceptual unit, the imagery of Throne 1 andStela 8 directly associates the ruler's political authority,symbolised by the throne, with his supernatural abilities, symbolised bythe quatrefoil portal (Guernsey 2006). A striking parallel existsbetween the imagery of Chalcatzingo Monument 1 and Izapa Stela 8, bothof which feature elite individuals enthroned within a quatrefoil. This imagery was also invoked by the Late Preclassic rulers of SanBartolo San Bartolo is the Spanish name for Saint Bartholomew. In Spanish speaking countries it is often used as a part of placenames.It may for example refer to: San Bartolo, Totonicap��n, in Guatemala. San Bartolo (Maya site) near Tikal in Guatemala. , in the Maya Lowlands (Saturno et al. 2005). A quatrefoilappears on the recently discovered west wall of the Pinturas pyramid(Structure 1). Like the quatrefoils at Chalcatzingo and Izapa,individuals are seated within the supernatural portal. At the centre,dances the Maize God while to the left appears Chahk, god of rain andlightning, seated on a throne. The figure to the right represents thegod of still or terrestrial water (David Stuart David Stuart may refer to David Stuart (Canadian actor) (b. 1965) is a Canadian actor David Stuart (politician) (1816–1868), politician from the U.S. state of Michigan , pers. comm. 2005). Mostinteresting, however, is the coloration col��or��a��tion?n.1. Arrangement of colors.2. The sum of the beliefs or principles of a person, group, or institution. of the San Bartolo quatrefoil,which recalls that of La Blanca, with its outer rim of black and innerrim of red paint. The water bands that emanate from the San Bartoloquatrefoil also recall the watery symbolism of the Chalcatzingo and LaBlanca quatrefoils. Likewise, the San Bartolo quatrefoil is personifiedand appears to substitute for the body of a zoomorphic creature, perhapsa turtle, whose head emerges from the left. Another quatrefoil, from Aguacatal, in Campeche, Mexico, bears aninteresting formal relationship to that of La Blanca. The Aguacatalquatrefoil takes the form of a stuccoed altar that was placed at thebase of a low mound during the Late Preclassic-Early Classic transition,perhaps AD 200-350 (Houston et al. 2005). As these authors observe, thestucco design around the edges of the Aguacatal quatrefoil containswater imagery, including swirling water motifs, shells, fish and therain deity Chahk. This imagery recalls that at San Bartolo, where Chahkalso appeared within the quatrefoil, and links it to the watery themesat Middle Preclassic La Blanca and Chalcatzingo. Perhaps mostintriguing, however, is the similar horizontal configuration of thequatrefoils at Aguacatal and La Blanca, each of which formed an altarand invoked a watery theme. The quatrefoil continued to be invoked throughout the Classicperiod, as evidenced in the iconography of numerous Classic Mayamonuments. One noteworthy example is the altar from El Peru, whichfeatures a quatrefoil on the back of a zoomorphic creature in which sitsa ruler. While the imagery bears remarkable similarities to that ofIzapa Stela 8, the text of the El Peru altar elucidates the significanceof the quatrefoil, describing it as tu yol ahk, 'at the heart afthe turtle' or in the portal of the turtle', a reference tothe creation narrative of the Maize God's rebirth (Freidel et al.1993: 215; Taube 1998: 441). Likewise, the recently discovered panelfrom Cancuen portrays a beautifully carved quatrefoil portal, sproutingfoliation foliationPlanar arrangement of structural or textural features in any rock type, but particularly that resulting from the alignment of constituent mineral grains of a metamorphic rock along straight or wavy planes. as at Chalcatzingo. In this case, the quatrefoil provides asupernatural frame for the enthroned ruler and attendants containedwithin its borders. The quatrefoil's significance as a supernaturalportal and its relationship to rulership and watery themes is alsoreflected on the Creation Tablet from Palenque, in which the god Chahkis featured in one of two quatrefoils that decorated the back of athrone at that site (Miller & Martin 2004: 222). The quatrefoillikewise appears at the site of Copan, as on a series of ballcourtmarkers, a dynastic monument from the Early Classic Motmot structure,and a carved peccary peccary(pĕk`ərē), small wild pig, genus Tayassu, the only pig native to the Americas. Although similar in appearance to Old World pigs, peccaries are classified in a family of their own because of anatomical differences. skull, where it literally provides a supernaturalframe for historical rulers and events (Fash 1991: 87, Figures 24, 69;Fash & Fash 1996). As even this brief summary indicates, the quatrefoil's simpleshape belies its complex significance. From at least the MiddlePreclassic, the symbol was invoked by elites to express themes ofpolitical authority and supernatural contact. The discovery of Monument3 at La Blanca indicates that elites along the Pacific coast ofGuatemala participated within this elite exchange. Perhaps even moreremarkably, the symbolism of the quatrefoil continued throughout theensuing Late Preclassic and Classic periods, during which time itcontinued to be employed by elites to express notions of political andcosmological authority. Conclusions The physical characteristics of La Blanca Monument 3 indicate thatit was used in rituals involving water or liquids and probablyassociated with supernatural communication. That the quatrefoil was alsoused in household ritual of some kind is supported by analogy to thebasins described by Marcus (1998) for Oaxaca and by the high density offigurines found in Mound 9, a hallmark of domestic ritual during theMiddle Preclassic in this region. Although Mound 9 appears to be primarily 'residential' innature, it fronts a plaza and monumental temple that were undoubtedly'public' or 'ritual' in function. The location ofMonument 3 between a residential structure and a ritual plaza heightensthe ambiguity of its context and blurs the distinction between the manydichotomies often employed in archaeological analysis. The artefactassemblage indicates that Mound 9 was residential in the sense thatpeople lived in the building at the centre of the mound and that foodpreparation, food service and other quotidian quotidian/quo��tid��i��an/ (kwo-tid��e-an) recurring every day; see malaria. quo��tid��i��anadj.Recurring daily. Used especially of attacks of malaria. activities were carriedout. Yet the presence of the quatrefoil monument and the location of themound adjacent to the sunken plaza challenge any simple interpretationbased on a rigid dichotomy of ritual vs. domestic contexts (Bradley2003), or in terms of the Great Tradition/Little Tradition paradigmpopularised by Redfield (1956). In that model, the Great Tradition concerns cosmology and theideology of elite power while the Little Tradition concerns divination,life-transition events and the veneration of ancestors. The GreatTradition was ritualised in public places with priests or rulersofficiating, while the Little Tradition was performed in householdrituals in which elders or lineage heads presided. The dichotomy hasbeen both criticised (McAnany 2002) and defended (Smith 2002) in recentconsiderations. We believe, however, that our data belie be��lie?tr.v. be��lied, be��ly��ing, be��lies1. To picture falsely; misrepresent: "He spoke roughly in order to belie his air of gentility"James Joyce. its utility. Wehave an abundance of ceramic figurines, part of the 'LittleTradition', alongside a central icon of the 'GreatTradition', the quatrefoil. Thus Mound 9 was not just another household and Monument 3 was notjust a cleverly-shaped basin. The iconography of the quatrefoilthroughout Mesoamerica makes it clear that Monument 3 was linked torulership and supernatural communication. At La Blanca, this powerfulsymbol was placed within the context of an elite residence. So, whiledomestic ritual in this elite residence clearly had some similarity todomestic ritual in other households at La Blanca and to those in otherregions of Mesoamerica--and may have included the veneration ofancestors (represented by figurines)--the rituals in this elitehousehold were also distinctive in their unique emphasis on powers ofelite communication with the supernatural. Acknowledgements Investigations at La Blanca were carried out under the auspices ofthe Instituto de Antropologia e Historia de Guatemala (IDAEH). We thankthe personnel of the IDAEH, especially Licenciado Salvador Lopez.Financial support for the excavations at La Blanca in 2003 and 2004 camefrom the New World Archaeological Foundation, the Wenner-Gren Foundationfor Anthropological Research, the National Geographic Society and theMesoamerica Center in the Department of Art and Art History at theUniversity of Texas at Austin “University of Texas” redirects here. For other system schools, see University of Texas System.The University of Texas at Austin (often referred to as The University of Texas, UT Austin, UT, or Texas . A grant from the Foundation for theAdvancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. supported analysis ofmaterials. Further work has been supported by the US National ScienceFoundation, under grant BCS-0451024. The excavation of Monument 3 wasbegun by Molly Morgan as unit supervisor and continued under thesupervision of Sheryl Carcuz. 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XVIII Simposio de Investigaciones Arqueologicas en Guatemala:959-69. Guatemala City, Guatemala: Ministerio de Cultura y Deportes,Instituto de Antropologia e Historia, Asociacion Tikal, Foundation forthe Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. LOVE, M., J. GUERNSEY, S. CARCUZ & M. MORGAN. 2006. Monumento 3de La Blanca, San Marcos: Una escultura en tierra y barro del PreclasicoMedio, in J.E Laporte, B. Arroyo & H.E. Mejia (ed.) XIX Simposio deInvestigaciones Arqueologicas en Guatemala: 51-62. Guatemala City,Guatemala: Ministerio de Cultura y Deportes, Instituto de Antropologia eHistoria, Asociacion Tikal. LOWE, G.W., T.A. LEE JR. & E. MART INEZ. 1982. Izapa: AnIntroduction to the Ruins and Monuments (Papers of the New WorldArchaeological Foundation 31). Provo: Brigham Young University. MARCUS, J. 1998. Women's Ritual in Formative Oaxaca:Figurine-making, Divination, Death, and the Ancestors. Memoirs 33. AnnArbor: University of Michigan (body, education) University of Michigan - A large cosmopolitan university in the Midwest USA. Over 50000 students are enrolled at the University of Michigan's three campuses. The students come from 50 states and over 100 foreign countries. Museum of Anthropology. --1999. Men's and women's ritual in Formative Oaxaca, inD.C. Grove & R.A. Joyce (ed.) Social Patterns in Pre-ClassicMesoamerica: 67-96. Washington (D.C.): Dumbarton Oaks. McANANY, P.A. 2002. Rethinking the Great and Little Traditionparadigm from the perspective of domestic ritual, in 12. Plunker (ed.)Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica (Cotsen Institute of ArchaeologyMonograph 46): 115-19. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology atUCLA. MILLER, M. & S. MARTIN. 2004. Courtly Art of the Ancient Maya.New York: Thames & Hudson. NORMAN, G.V. 1976. Izapa Sculpture, Part 2: Text (Papers of the NewWorld Archaeological Foundation 30). Provo: Brigham Young University. ORTIZ, P. & M. DEL C. RODRIGUEZ. 1999. Olmec ritual behavior atEl Manati: a sacred space sacred space,n space—tangible or otherwise—that enables those who acknowledge and accept it to feel reverence and connection with the spiritual. , in D.C. Grove & R.A. Joyce (ed.) SocialPatterns in Pre-Classic Mesoamerica: 225-54. Washington (D.C.):Dumbarton Oaks. --2000. The Sacred Hill of El Manati: A Preliminary Discussion ofthe Site's Ritual Paraphernalia, in J.E. Clark & M.E. Pye (ed.)Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica (Studies in the History of Art58): 75-93. Washington (D.C.): Center for Advanced Study in the VisualArts, National Gallery of Art. REDFIELD, R. 1956. Peasant Society and Culture. Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press The University of Chicago Press is the largest university press in the United States. It is operated by the University of Chicago and publishes a wide variety of academic titles, including The Chicago Manual of Style, dozens of academic journals, including . REILLY III, F.K. 1994. Visions to another world: art, shamanism shamanism/sha��man��ism/ (shah��-) (sha��mah-nizm?) a traditional system, occurring in tribal societies, in which certain individuals (shamans) are believed to be gifted with access to an invisible spiritual ,and political power in Middle Formative Mesoamerica. Unpublished PhDdissertation, University of Texas at Austin. SATURNO, W.A., K.A. TAUBE & D. STUART. 2005. The Murals of SanBartolo, El Peten, Guatemala Part I: The North Wall. Ancient America 7(February). Barnardsville (NC): Center for Ancient American Studies. SMITH, M.E. 2002. Domestic ritual at Aztec provincial sites inMorelos, in P. Plunker (ed.) Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica(Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Monograph 46): 93-114. Los Angeles:Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA. TATE, C.E. 1995. Art in Olmec culture, in The Olmec WorM: Ritualand Rulership: 47-67. Princeton: The Art Museum, Princeton University. TAUBE, K. 1998. The jade hearth: centrality, rulership, and theClassic Maya temple, in S.D. Houston (ed.) Function and Meaning inClassic Maya Architecture: 427-78. Washington (D.C.): Dumbarton Oaks. Michael Love (1) & Julia Guernsey (2) (1) Department of Anthropology, California State University,Northridge CSUN offers a variety of programs leading to bachelor's degrees in 61 fields and master's degrees in 42 fields. The university has over 150,000 alumni. It's also home to a summer musical theater/theater program known as TADW (TeenAge Drama Workshop) that leads teenagers through an , CA 91330, USA (Email: Michael.love@csun.edu) (2) Department of Art and Art History, University of Texas, Austin,TX 78712, USA (Email: Juliaguernsey@mail.utexas.edu)